Kamis, 05 Juli 2012

INDONESIA'S MIXED MILITARY TIES


Indonesia and Australia's leaders this week have signed deals on defence cooperation, and Australia has gifted Indonesia with four refurbished heavy transport aircraft.
But as Australia's military ties with Indonesia grow stronger, other western nations are keeping their distance.
Indonesia has had to pull out of a $280 million deal to buy 100 battle tanks from the Netherlands after waiting several months for the Dutch parliament to approve the sale.

Dutch media reports that the majority of parties in the Dutch parliament opposed the deal because of Jakarta's poor human rights record.

Peter King, a research associate in international relations from the University of Sydney spoke to Radio Australia's Connect Asia. He says that the Dutch's concern with human rights in Indonesia harks back to their historical relationship with the region. 
"Well the Dutch have been very sensitive to human rights violations in Jakarta. I think there is a historical reason for that." he said.

"They themselves mucked up the whole West Papua issue during their own colonial administration, they held it back from Indonesia and then in the end had to give in to international pressure."

"So they compensate that by kind of indicating that being forced to hand West Papua to Indonesia, even in this post Suharto democratic period has been a risky business because the army continues to dominate affairs so much in West Papua. 
The United States and the European Union have similarly imposed military embargoes on Indonesia, says Peter King, for example, those imposed after massacres committed by the Indonesian military in 1991 and 1991.

The US reinstated military sales to Indonesia in 2006, supported by Australia. 
"It wasn't a very good idea because the army has continued to abusive, particularly in Aceh for a time, but Aceh got autonomy and a proper peace deal in 2005."

"In West Papua the human rights violations by the military and the police have continued."
Australia has pursued a strategy of working with the Indonesian military with the hope of improving its record on human rights issues that way. But Mr King says the continuing power of the military in Indonesia is a danger to its democracy.

"I think it is long term danger for Indonesian democracy that the military hasn't been brought in to line on these human rights issues, particularly in West Papua now," he said.

"The Government has just been too reluctant to give up its use of military force to get its way in West Papua. It needs to negotiate with the West Papuans rather than use the so-called security approach."

Rabu, 04 Juli 2012

Indonesia President Lauded For Stance On West Papua Issues


Link: Pacific Islands Report
Pacific Islands Development Program, East-West Center

With Support From Center for Pacific Islands Studies, University of Hawai‘i

Indonesian President Lauded For Stance On West Papua IssuesPresident ‘welcomes’ dialogue, except on independence referendum
WELLINGTON, New Zealand (Radio New Zealand International, July 2, 2012) – Papuan leaders have applauded Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s open-handed stance for dialogue over Papuan issues and have urged him to put the statement into action.
The Jakarta Post reports Taha Al Hamid, the secretary-general of the Papuan Council Presidium, calling for the establishment of a team to facilitate a dialogue between the central government and Papua administrations.
Neles Tebay, the chairman of the Papua Peace Network, says it would need to involve figures with international credibility who have the trust of the Papuan people.
The team is expected to draw up the format, aims and mechanisms of the dialogue.
During his visit to the Indonesian Military Command Institute in Bandung on Friday, President Yudhoyono said he would welcome any initiative for a dialogue except those that intended to push for a referendum on independence.
He says Jakarta can engage in dialogue to achieve progress on development, people’s welfare and justice but there is no room for discussion about a referendum on independence.
[PIR editor’s note: West Papuan groups and other international human rights organizations have expressed hopes that upcoming talks between Australian Prime Minister Julia Gillard and Yudhoyono can be used to discuss the current media ban in Papua and help to put an end to ongoing violence in the region.]
Radio New Zealand International: www.rnzi.com
Copyright © 2012 RNZI. All Rights Reserved

Selasa, 26 Juni 2012

West Papua: Statement on Indepence Day, 1 July


West Papua: Statement on Independence Day, July 1


30 June 2011
West Papua: Statement on Independence Day, July 1
Ladies and gentlemen of the International Media,
We are releasing for your dissemination a joint statement by Jonah Wenda, the Spokesman of the Military Council of West Papua National Liberation Army and the Secretariat of WPNCL. This is in conjunction with the commemoration of 1st of July, the day when the Independence Movement, the OPM proclaimed West Papuan independence in 1971.
S T A T E M E N T
West Papuan people in the country and abroad are commemorating first of July, a very historic day in the West Papuan struggle for self determination and independence. All the activities on the day will be peaceful. In different parts of the country the people will commemorate the day in many peaceful ways depending on the local conditions. These will include prayers, rallies, seminars, film shows, displays and marches. In Jayapura, the Capital of Papua Provinve, the commemoration will take place at the cemetery of the late Theys Elluay in Sentani. There will be prayers and speeches about the struggle and hopes for the future. There are concerns that the Indonesian Military and its Militias may provoke violence as they have always done in the past but this will not deter our activities. We therefore forewarn the Media to be on alert for such eventuality. The Papuan people are more determined than ever to claim their independence. What you will see on the 1st of July is part of the many more actions yet to come. WEST PAPUA, AN ISSUE WHO’S TIME HAS COME.
On 1st of July, 40 years ago under the leadership of the late Brig.Gen. Seth Rumkorem and Excellency Jacob Prai (exiled in Sweden) a proclamation of independence was declared complete with a Constitution, a Senate and Provisional government. The leadership of the Movement had come to that decision after careful consideration of the following historical facts:
(1). By 1960 West Papua was well and truly in the process of decolonization. A decolonization plan introduced by Dr. Joseph Luns, the Foreign Minister of the Netherlands won 51% votes in the United Nations.
(2). West Papuans had already established Political Parties and had general elections where an embryonic Parliament called the Nieuw Guinea Raad or the New Guinea Council was established. Members of the South Pacific Commission (This body had been expanded to become the Pacific Islands Forum), Australia, New Zealand, France, Great Britain and of course the host, the Netherlands attended the inauguration of this embryonic Parliament on 5 April 1961. USA declined the invitation but had voted earlier for the decolonization plan at the United Nations.
(3). The New Guinea Council produced a 10 years development and localization program that will end with full independence by 1970 (This plan was adopted from the political manifesto of the Papua National Party, the PARNA). The Netherlands fully agreed to implement the plan.
(4). Spurred by the euphoria of independence, the Council proceeded to create the national symbols for the future Republic of West Papua, they are, the Morning Star flag, the National Anthem, ‘my land Papua,’ Court of Arms and proposed that from that day on the Territory should be called Papua (West Papua). These symbols were accepted by the Colonial government and on the 1st of December 1961 the Morning Star flag was officially raised alongside the three colors flag of the Netherlands including the singing of the national anthems of both countries accompanied by Marine Corps band and parade by the military including Papuans’ own Volunteer Corps, the PVK and police forces with fly pass by the Royal Dutch Air Force. This decolonization process came to an abrupt stop because of the United States sponsored New York Agreement to end the escalation of conflict and possible open war between the Netherlands and Indonesia over West Papua. The elected West Papuan leaders were not involved or even consulted.
The Agreement granted Indonesia a TEMPORARY MANDATE to administer the Territory pending a REFERENDUM in 1969 where the Papuan people would be allowed to freely and democratically vote on their political status. Indonesia never respected the agreement. It annexed West Papua to become the 26the Province of the Republic the same way it had annexed East Timor. In 1969 Indonesia organized a fraudulent exercise where 1022 tribal leaders representing 800,000 Papuans were forced to accept integration. Regardless of the travesty conduct in the implementation and serious concern by some Africa countries the UN endorsed a resolution cosponsored by Indonesia and the Netherlands for the results to be accepted. The UN accepted the results with qualified note that the method used was according to Indonesian practice. Another way of saying, it was not according to the UN standard procedure in a referendum.
In view of this GROSS INJUSTICE the West Papuan independence movement, the OPM took the only option available to it at the time, a UNILATERAL PROCLAMATION OF INDEPENDENCE. For obvious reasons the Provisional government did not operate as it should have but the integrity it represents remain today in the hearts of every West Papuan. We will continue to strive for our independence.
Since Indonesian occupying forces arrived on our soil everything went from bad to worse. Democratic institutions including the elected Council and Political parties were dissolved; freedom and the right of assembly including the right of free opinion were prohibited. Any breach of this order will carry a serious sentence of up to 20 years in jail. The whole population is terrorized to submit to the will of the government. The localization and self government schemes during the Dutch administration were scrapped. In the past 10 years Indonesia attempted to corrupt the International opinion, with a similar scheme called Special Autonomy. This bogus special autonomy had died a natural death. It is open book that Indonesia gave more importance to Colonist settlement called Transmigration than basic social services to the people. Year by year human right reports are filling the files of responsible human right agencies including the UN Human Rights Council but nothing is done about them. Serious human right abuses at the level of crimes against humanity are still in the hands of UNHC and Indonesia’s own Human Rights Commission, KOMNAS HAM for the past 8 years. It is now almost half a century and there is no better way to describe Indonesia’s legacy of subjugation in West Papua than INDONESIAN COLONIAL TERRORISM.
ENDS

Selasa, 12 Juni 2012

President Indonesia SBY: Sanctions for Papua Law Enforcers Committing Inappropriate Actions in Papua


SBY: Sanctions for Papua Law Enforcers Committing 'Inappropriate Actions'
Arientha Primanita | June 12, 2012
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono led a cabinet meeting to discuss law enforcement in Papua at the president's office on Tuesday. (Antara Photo) 
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President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono on Tuesday warned police officers and soldiers on the ground in Papua to abide by the law and follow proper procedures while attempting to maintain order in the restive province.

“I want inappropriate actions to be prevented,” Yudhoyono said prior to a cabinet meeting to discuss recent violence in Papua. “Though upholding the law is the duty of our officers, the implementation [of that duty] should not exceed what is appropriate, which could cause other problems. 

"In cases where there are violations by military or police officers while carrying out duties in the field — which is not easy and is complex — sanctions should be handed down.”

His comments come after a military (TNI) rampage last week in the village of Wamena, in which police said one civilian was killed and 17 others were wounded. The attack was said to be retaliation for an incident in which angry villagers stabbed a soldier to death after he struck a child while riding his motorcycle.

While there has been criticism from lawmakers that the president has neglected the intensifying conflict in Papua, Yudhoyono said the central government had done no such thing. He called on his cabinet ministers to inform people of the government’s proactive approach.

“If we’re silent, we’re assumed to be not doing anything,” he said. "Talk, so people understand the problem. ... Indonesia respects the law and international conventions, but without explanation, there will be wrong perceptions.”

Last week was a bloody week for Papua, particularly in the provincial capital of Jayapura, where at least seven people were killed. The most recent reported incident took place in front of the Cenderawasih University on Sunday, in which one person was shot dead.

With additional reporting from Antara

Senin, 11 Juni 2012

Jakarta-Papua Dialogue: Between a Rock and a hard Place


Jakarta-Papua dialogue: Between a rock and a hard place

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It has been four months since President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono convened the second meeting with Papuan church leaders in the Presidential Palace. During the meeting the President gave an order to Vice President Boediono to follow-up the meeting with technical preparations for negotiations. Yet, we have not seen much follow-up.

In parallel to the meeting, two events occurred. The Unit for Acceleration of Development in Papua and West Papua (UP4B) was inaugurated and led by Lt. Gen. (ret.) Bambang Darmono with promises to speed up delayed development programs under the Special Autonomy package. One of its promises is to promote “constructive communication” between Jakarta and Papua.

The second event was the appointment of Dr. Farid Hussain as the President’s special envoy for peace negotiations with Papua. Farid’s first challenge has been to convince various elements of the government that dialogue is a good idea to end the protracted conflict in Papua before he can begin to engage with different factions of the Papuan leadership. In other words, the idea of dialogue has gone nowhere.

What can we see from the Papuan side? Following the February meeting, the church leaders went back to their work and have been busy with their day-to-day jobs.

This situation reminds us of the aftermath of the so-called national dialogue between then President BJ Habibie and 100 Papua representatives in February 1999.

Welcomed home as heroes, these leaders had to juggle between disseminating the result of the meeting to fellow Papuans and enjoying the small win, while at the same time confronting intimidation from the state security services.

History looks to repeat itself this time around.

Apart from the continuing spate of violence in Papua, which has killed both civilians and security personnel, we have witnessed many things take place in national politics recently.

The fuel subsidy policy remains a thorny issue. An increase in religious violence has met with little effort from the Yudhoyono administration to address it. This is not to mention the controversy around the President’s decision to grant clemency to Schapelle Corby, a convicted Australian drug smuggler.

In such a whirlwind of political saga, the government’s position on Papua-related issues remains reactive and elusive rather than creative and assertive.

For instance, when some MPs from Pacific countries convened a meeting in Canberra last February to declare the creation of Inter Parliamentarians for West Papua (IPWP), Jakarta panicked. It demanded an explanation from the Australian Embassy in Jakarta as if it were a decision by the Australian government.

When it comes to the idea of Jakarta-Papua dialogue, Jakarta remains divided: An unusual condition for any government. However, among this division at least five positions can be identified.

One argument says “the dialogue is all about Papua not between Jakarta and Papua”. This argument dismisses a bipartisan model that considers Papuans an equal party for Jakarta. As an approach it contradicts the other position, which clearly refers to Aceh’s bipartisan model, which involved international mediation.

Another voice asserts, “Anything but NKRI [Unitary State of Indonesia]” imagining the broadest concession that Indonesia can give, but territorial integrity remains a non-negotiable condition.

Many bureaucrats simply embrace the position of “wait and see”, while some others actively engage in activities to integrate outspoken Papuans into the narrative of the state.

On the Papuan side, the situation is also marked by a plurality of approaches: A natural condition for any community. Here, six positions can be identified. The first argument says, “Dialogue no, referendum yes”. This argument suggests that dialogue with the government is a submission and is hence unacceptable.

Another voice pursues the recognition of Papuan independence premised on the position that Papua gained political independence in 1961 from the Netherlands.

A further argument persistently seeks opportunities to engage with the Indonesian government to hold dialogue.

A similar (yet distinct) approach only wants to deal with the highest level of Indonesian leadership. Just like the government side, so the Papuan side is in a position of “wait and see”, which represents the views of many ordinary Papuans.

Finally, some Papuans have chosen to disengage with anything related to Indonesian representations as they do not have faith in any of them.

How can we reconcile these differences? That is what the whole idea of dialogue is all about. It is meant to address differences in order to achieve compromise. Dialogue certainly will not generate peace and deliver justice overnight but it will certainly create what the British thinker Mary Kaldor terms “an island of civility”.

Such islands are where violence ends and civility begins. It may start with a small violence-free zone as agreed upon by two warring parties that will be expanded to cover more territorial, social and political space.

 This is the renewed call of Catholic priest Neles Tebay, who led the Papua Peace Network to speak with the Yudhoyono government recently.

The NGO clearly does not want to repeat 1999, where the idea of dialogue went nowhere. They are determined to create an island of civility in Papua under the framework of the Papua Land of Peace.

Violence must cease so that Papuans can live with dignity. It is time for the government to translate the promising signals of a peaceful solution for Papua into reality.

The writer, a Franciscan friar, is the former director of the Office for Justice and Peace of the Catholic Church in Jayapura, Papua and currently is a PhD scholar at the Regulatory Institutions Network, the Australian National University, Canberra.

Jumat, 08 Juni 2012

Wamena Situation Humans Right: Shooting Army for Society Wamena in Papua


Increased anxiety and Emergency Situations in West Papua after a violent military / police led to 13 peoplewere killed in (24h) twenty-four hours.

Voice Baptist Jayapura, - Violence broke out again after two battalions Wamena military personnel who ride a motorcyclecrashed into and killed a boy.

The family did not accept their son in a hit, the population of military personnel are attacking both of them have been killed andonly in-patient hospital Wamena.

As the combined forces revenge TNI / police brutality and uncontrolled, while the police reportedly beat and shot several people, while the data on the victims who gathered some 13 people were shot and killed instantly in the incident 06/06 at 07 at night.

Up to 500 homes have been burned by the soldiers allegedly with all the goods and treasure on earth scorching in quotationNewzeland radiator.
Local human rights sources said the bullets that were fired indiscriminately and that dozens of people have been beaten and shot by soldiers.

Until this news was sent down, can not be in the confirmation and verification because the real situation is very urgent andtertutut for the people and journalists and humanitarian workers.

Papua expert, Greg Poulgrain told Radio Australia Connect Asia said that the current situation in Papua needs serious attention.

Papua current situation is an emergency, officials can not be controlled by humanitarian workers because the apparatus is verybrutal and banya catching and shooting without hair, it needs no special advocacy and international intervention on the currentsituation.

 Photos News from Wamena : West Papua - Indonesian Military launch mass offensive and burning the villages 


























Letters can be sent to: Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, President of Indonesia, Jl. No veteran. 16, Jakarta Pusat, Indonesia or faxedto 62 21 3442223
PLEASE SEND YOUR LETTERS TO:

1. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
The President of Indonesia
Jl. Veteran No. 16
Jakarta Pusat
INDONESIA
Tel: +62 21 3863777, 3503088.
Fax: +62 21 3442223

2. Mr. Kemal Azis Stamboel
The Chairman of the First Commission of House of Representative of Indonesia Gedung DPR RI Nusantara II, Lantai 1 Jl. Jenderal Gatot Subroto Jakarta 10270 INDONESIA
Phone: +62 21 5715518
Fax: +62 21 5715523

3. Chairman of Third Commission of The House of Representative of Indonesia Jl. Gatot Subroto No. 6 Jakarta INDONESIA
Tel:+62 21 5715569
Fax: +62 21 5715566

4. Mr. Erfi Triassunu
Commander of Regional Military Command XVII Cendrawasih (Kemiliteran Daerah Papua / Kodam Papua) Jl. Polimak atas Jayapura Provinsi Papua INDONESIA
Fax: +62 967 533763

5. General of Police Timur Pradopo
Chief of Indonesian National Police
Markas Besar Kepolisian Indonesia
Jl. Trunojoyo No. 3
Kebayoran Baru
South Jakarta 12110
INDONESIA
Tel: +62 21 3848537, 7260306, 7218010
Fax: +62 21 7220669

6. Head of Division of Profession and Security of Indonesian Police Markas Besar Kepolisian Indonesia Jl. Trunojoyo No. 3 Kebayoran Baru South Jakarta 12110 INDONESIA
Tel: +62 21 3848537, 7260306, 7218010
Fax: +62 21 7220669

7. Chairman of the National Police Commission (Kompolnas) Jl. Tirtayasa VII No. 20 Komplek PTIK Jakarta Selatan INDONESIA
Tel: +62 21 739 2352
Fax: +62 21 739 2317

8. Head of National Commission on Human Rights of Indonesia Jalan Latuharhary No.4-B, Jakarta 10310 INDONESIA
Tel: +62 21 392 5227-30
Fax: +62 21 392 5227

9. Ms. Harkristuti Harkrisnowo
General Director of Human Rights
Department of Law and Human Rights Republic of Indonesia Jl. HR Rasuna Said Kav.6-7 Kuningan, Jakarta 12940 INDONESIA
Tel: +62 21 525 3006, 525 3889, 526 4280
Fax: +62 21 525 3095

10. Chief of Regional Police of Papua province Jl. Samratulangi No. 8 Jayapura INDONESIA
Tel: + 62 0967 531014
Fax: +62 0967 533763
 11. Chief of Jayapura city district police (POLRESTA) Jl. A. Yani No.11 Jayapura INDONESIA