Martinus Imapuka, Salah satu korban,Penembakan Oknum TNI, Timika Berdarah  masih Rawat RSUD  Timika   (28/08/2015) : Foto (Dok.KM)

TIMIKA, (KM)-- Untuk  menyikapi Timika berdarah pada 28 Agustus 2015, kemarin Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI) menewaskan Pemudah gereja  katolik  2 orang mati di tempat, dan 4 orang masih rawat di RSUD.   

Komite Nasional Papua Barat (KNPB) wilayah Timika mediasi Rakyat Papua barat besok akan turun jalan menggelar demo damai, menuntut Pemerintah Presiden Segera bertanggung Jawab dan Tarik Militer dari Seluruh Tanah Papua.

Hal ini disampaikan melalui selebaran di terima pada media onlinewww.kabarmapegaa.com, pada hari Rabu (02/09/2015). Sekertaris Umum KNPB, Sem Ukago, menjelaskan  besok kami akan turun jalan aksi damai mengikapi  Timika berdarah dan Papua Pada umumnya.

Kata Ukago,  Presiden Indonesia Joko Widodo dan Gubernur Propinsi Papua tuntaskan pelanggaran Ham Papua, segera tarik militer organik dan organik dari seluruh Papua. Keberadaan militer berlebihan di papua membuat “Papua zona darurat militer,"Tuturnya.

Lanjut Ukago, “Negara bertanggung Jawab semua kasus pelanggaran HAM dan Tarik Militer dari Seluruh Tanah Papua. Karena mereka membunuh rakyat sipil papua berlebihan, “Tegasnya.

“Aksi damai tersebut, akan dilakukan besok pada kamis 03 September 2015, tempat pusat aksi depan Gereja Tiga Raja Timika. Semua masa aksi wajib pakai baju hitam,”isi seruannya.

Seorang Ibu Rumah Tangga Ditikam OTK Dalam Toko

Usai Ditikam, Korban Terbaring di Rumah Sakit. (Foto: Menase)

Timika, (KM)---Pada hari Minggu, 23 Agustus 2015, sekitar pukul 13:37 waktu Timika terjadi kejadiaan penikaman oleh orang tak dikenal (OTK) di Toko Swalayan 2000 Jl. Budi Utomo, Kelurahan Inauga Distrik Mimika Baru. 

Menurut cerita yang dihimpun KM bahwa, kejadian terjadi saat ibu alias korban sedang belanja dalam toko itu dan tiba-tiba orang datang masuk langsung cabut pisau dan ayungkan tangan pelaku pada bagian tubuhnya. 

Pertama diayungkan tangannya dibagian kedua lengan tangan kemudian diayungkan tangan pelaku menikam pada bagian ketiak pusatnya jantung si korban dan korban sedang disemayamkan untuk diotopsi RSUD Mimika di Nawaripi SP4 dalam kondiri kritis. 

Setelah itu, korban diantar oleh seorang pemuda asal suku Sunda Warga Timika, menurut keterangan nya orang sudah korban terjatuh ditanah namun masih hidup alias bernafas saya antar karena semua orang disekitar itu hanya lihat-lihat korban, tandas orang yang antar korban ini. 

Kejadian ini didepan orang banyak tetapi tidak mau menjelaskan kronolisnya dan pelakunya karena dengan alasan bahwa takut mereka curigai. 

KM membenarkan bahwa benar-benar kejadian ini sangat menakjubkan karena siang bolong bisa dilakukan penganiayaan hingga menewaskan ibu rumah tangga (IRT) yang tidak bisa mengungkapkan pelaku dan kronologis kejadian. 

Menurut sang suami korban Bapak Yance Jitmau memintah agar kronologis dan para saksi tolong diperjelas dan meminta kepada pihak kepolisian Indonesia yang bertugas pihak keluarga korban tidak tutup mulut untuk mengungkapkan pelaku dan kronologis kejadian hingga menewaskan istri saya, tutur Yance Jitmau dengan nada keras Indonesia bunuh kami orang asli Papua (OAP) dengan berbagai cara.

 Suami korban, Yance meminta agar semua orang TKP juga perlu investigasi dan melakukan intelinsi agar pelakunya dapat ditangkap, keluhnya dengan irama sedih dan Hal ini dihimpunan langsung di TKP oleh KM

Jayapura : 1 Warga Sipil Hilang, 2 Diantaranya Keroyok Babak Lebur Hingga Kritis

Salah satu Foto Korban/Foto : KNPB/KM

Jayapura,(KM)--Pada hari Kamis tanggal 27 Agustus 2015, pukul 11.00 WIT terjadi penculikan terhadap 3 warga sipil yang tinggal di Pantai Base G, Jayapura.

Ketiga korban warga sipil, korban diantaranya Wilhemus Awom (26), Soleman Yom (27) dan Yavet Awom (19).Salah satu diantara mereka  (korban) yang bernama Yavet awom sampai saat ini masih belum diketahui keberadaannya.

 Penyikasaan yang dialami sebagai berikut:

1. Wilhemus Awom: Pemukulan dimuka dan dibadan, Penikaman dibahu Kanan, Telingga dip otong hampir putus
2. Soleman Yom: Pemukulan di muka dan Badan, Penikaman dileher
3. Yavet Awom: dipukul dan ditikam dimulut 

Berikut adalah Kronologi singakat Sesuai informasi yang diterima olehwww.kabarmapegaa.com

Pada malam hari 3 orang  korban diantaranya Wilhemus Awom (26), Soleman Yom (27) dan Yavet Awom (19), pergi membeli rokok di kios depan rumah yang berjarak 100 meter dari rumah, dalam perjalan mereka dihampiri Mobil Avansa silver abu-abu kemudian seseorang dari dalam mobil memangil Wilhemus Awom lalu mengajaknya bicara.

Pelaku yang di dalam avansa  tersebut, mereka mengatakan mengenal Wilhemus Awom sedangkan Wilhemus Awom sendiri tidak mengenal orang yang berada dalam mobil lalu mereka menyuruh Wilhemus Awom dan kedua temannya secara paksa ke dalam mobil dibawah todongan dengan tuduhan mereka bertiga mencuri motor orang dan harus segera dibawah untuk interogasi ke Polsek Dok 8.

Pelaku dalam mobil tersebut membawa ke Polsek, akan tetapi bukan ke Kantor Polsek mala lanjut membawah mereka 3 ke Abe, Koya, Skow, Arso dan berakhir di Sentani Timur. Dalam perjalanan mereka disiksa dengan sangkur dan dipukul dengan popor senjata SS1 dan Pistol Revover yang mereka bawah sampai muka mereka babak belur berlumburan darah.

Sampai di Sentani Timur Wilhemus Awom dan Soleman Yom disuruh turun dari mobil lalu di suruh lari ke hutan lalu mereka ditembak tetapi tidak terkena peluruh karena mereka lari sambil menghindar lalu lompat ke alang-alang hingga jatuh ke dusun sagu pinggir danau sentani tertidur hingga pagi. 
Keesokan hari tanggal 28 agustus 2015 paginya ada masyarakat yang tinggal dipinggir danau sentani menolong mereka mengatarkan kesentani dan pulang ke dok 9.

Papua Barat adalah bagian yang tak terpisahkan dari Komunitas Pasifik. West Papua (saat itu Netherland Nieuw Guinea) sebelum aneksasi Indonesia tahun 1962 pernah ikut menjadi anggota South Pacific Commission (SPC). Sejak saat itu kolonial Indonesia telah mengeluarkan West Papua dari pertemuan-pertemuan kawasan, dan menjadikan West Papua sebagai ladang pembantaian, eksploitasi sumber daya alam (SDA). Sementara, perjuangan politik West Papua untuk menentukan nasib sendiri terus berlanjut.

Kami menyatakan bahwa perjuangan West Papua untuk menentukan nasibnya sendiri adalah bagian dari upaya melengkapi proses dekolonisasi di kepulauan-kepulauan Pasifik yang belum tuntas sepenuhnya dilaksanakan. Penindasan yang sedang dialami oleh bangsa Papua adalah suatu krisis Pasifik yang mengganggu stabilitas kawasan Pasifik. Kami berharap para Pemimpin negara-negara Pasifik untuk mendesak PBB memberikan “advisory opinion” (nasehat hukum) tentang status hukum dan Politik West Papua dan mendorong West Papua didaftarkan ke komite dekolonisasi PBB.

Kolonialisme Indonesia dan kapitalisme global telah menyebabkan kehancuran hutan Papua yang merupakan sumber nafas bagi planet ini. Ini adalah ancaman yang mengerikan bagi masa depan pulau-pulau Pasific dari pemanasan global. Tidak ada cara lain, selain membebaskan West Papua dari kolonialisme Indonesia dan kapitalisme global demi menjaga hutan sebagai sumber kehidupan kita.

Kolonialisme Indonesia dan korporasi asing adalah akar dari kejahatan kemanusiaan yang terus terjadi di West Papua. Pemusnahan bangsa Papua baik secara terbuka maupun sistematis terus berlangsung. Sementara Indonesia menjadikan West Papua sebagai wilayah protektorat yang harus diisolasi dari pantauan internasional. Kami mendesak Pemimpin-pemimpin negara Pasifik agar mengirim Tim Pencari Fakta agar secara langsung menginvestigasi kejahatan kemanusiaan di West Papua.

Atas semua itu, kami sangat mendukung agar Forum Kepulauan Pasifik (Pacific Island Forum/PIF) dapat menerima West Papua melalui United Lilberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) sebagai observer agar kami dapat ikut berperan aktif dalam membicarakan dan menyelesaikan masalah-masalah di kawasan ini secara bersama-sama.

Jayapura, 1 September 2015

Victor Yeimo

Ketua Umum

KOPERAPOKA TIMIKA BERDARAH

Oleh Santon Tekege**

KOPERAPOKA TIMIKA, News: Banyak pihak dikagetkan dengan penembakan beberapa orang Mimika di Koperapoka Timika tadi malam pada (27/8/2015).

Koperapoka menjadi penuh berlumuran darah dalam acara pukul Tifa untuk menyambut suksesnya meraih Doktor Orang Mimika pertama yaitu Dr. Leonardus Tumuka. Mereka merasa bahwa acara pukul tifa ini penting dalam budaya khas orang Mimika. Hal itu dikarenakan suksesnya seorang Mimika pertama sampai mendapatkan gelar Doktor. Masyarakat Mimika melaksanakan acara pukul dengan situasi aman dan tenang tanpa gangguan dari pihak mana pun. Mereka pusatkan acara pukul tifa di halaman Gereja Katolik Koperapoka tadi malam. Tetapi Acara Syukuran Penyambutan akan dilakukan di Hotel Grand Tembaga di Timika hari ini (28/8/2015).

Seperti biasanya dalam acara pukul tifa, dijalaninya dengan penuh penghayatan dan bersyukur dengan suasana batin yang aman dan damai. Hal itu yang diterapkan sepanjang jalan Koperapoka dari ujung ke ujung. Ada banyak Orang Muda Katolik (OMK) menjadi keamanan dalam acara tersebut. Orang muda itu betul menjalankan tugas keamanannya dengan penuh bertanggungjawab. Tetapi aparat keamanan yang berasal dari TNI Kodim 1710 datang mengacaukan acara pukul tifa tanpa alasan apa pun dan menembak mati beberapa orang dan lainnya kena luka-luka tembakan di Koperapoka Timika Papua.

Kronologis Versi Umat Gereja Koperapoka

Acara Pukul Tifa di adakan di halaman Gereja Katolik Koperapora Timika Papua tadi malam. Dalam acara tersebut, dua orang tak dikenal latarbelakang statusnya datang di tempat acara tersebut dalam keadaan Mabuk pakai kendaraan bermotor. Karena kedua orang tak dikenal itu datang dalam keadaan mabuk sehingga masyarakat menolak masuk ke tempat acara itu. Kemudian mereka dua (red pelaku penembakan) masyarakat Mimika itu pulang dengan emosi dan penuh kemarahan kepada petugas keamanan acara pukul Tifa itu.

Lalu beberapa menit kemudian kedua orang tak kenal itu datang ke tempat acara pukul Tifa itu. Ternyata masyarakat melihat bahwa kedua orang itu bawa dengan senjata Lars Panjang dan sangkur pisau. Kemudian mereka dua (pelaku penembakan) tawar menawar dengan penjaga keamanan. Tetapi dengan keadaan emosi dan marah-marah mereka dua (pelaku penembakan) mendobrak paksa masuk dalam acara pukul tifa dan mengacaukan situasi acara tersebut. Kedua orang itu (pelaku penembakan) todong dengan pisau ke arah masyarakat Mimika di sekitar pusat acara itu. Bukan hanya itu, mereka dua (pelaku penembakan) menodong dengan senjata Lars Panjang. Akhirnya masyarakat mulai takut dan cemas. Acara pukul tifa mulai kacau karena kehadiran orang tak kenal itu.

Kemudian kedua orang itu (red pelaku penembakan) keluar dari tempat acara pukul tifa di jalan raya. Dari jalan raya itulah, pelaku mengeluarkan tembakan ke arah masyarakat dan orang-orang yang ada sekitar sepanjang jalan raya Koperapoka. Kemudian banyak masyarakat Mimika lari ke sana ke sini karena takut kena peluru senjata tajam. Para pelaku menembak ke arah masyarakat dengan peluru tajam tetapi tidak mengenainya. Namun ada banyak orang juga yang kena peluru tajam dan ada yang mati tewas di tempat. Nama-nama korban adalah

1.      Imanuel Mailmaur (23 tahun) tewas ditembak ditembak di tempat

2.      Yulianus Okoware (23 tahun) tewas ditembak mati di tempat

3.      Marthinus Apokapo (24 tahun) luka di pinggan kiri karena kena peluru

4.      Marthinus Imapula (25 tahun) luka di kaki kena tembakan peluru

5.      Dan masih ada yang mengalami luka-luka tembakan tetapi tidak bisa terdata karena banyak aparat keamanan tidak mengijinkan mengambil data para korban di Rumah Sakit Umum Daerah Mimika.

Kemudian setelah mencari tahu siapa para pelaku penembakan itu, ternyata mereka berasal dari Kodim 1710 yaitu Serka Makher dan Sertu Ashar. Aparat keamanan selalu saja menjadi biang segala konflik dan kekerasan bahkan pembunuhan terhadap orang asli Papua selama ini.

Penulis: Petugas Pastoral Keuskupan Timika Papua.

West Papua at PIF meet

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Published: 05 August 2015

DEAR Pacific Island Forum leaders,

We are writing to you at a critical juncture for the people of West Papua and regional recognition of their struggle to end human rights violations in their land.

We call on you to extend your support by prioritising the human rights issues in West Papua at the 46th Pacific Island Forum (PIF) meeting to be held in September 2015 in Papua New Guinea.

We urge you to advance the gains made at the recent Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) Leaders Summit in Honiara, July 2015, where the historic decision was made to grant the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) Observer status in the MSG.


Ongoing Human Rights Violations

International and Indonesian human rights groups have regularly documented violence in West Papua, including the extensive use of intimidation, torture, sexual violence, beatings and killings by the security forces.

The United States State Department 2014 Human Rights report on Indonesia exposes and condemns gross and persistent human rights violations by the Indonesian authorities in West Papua.

Throughout last year, there were harsh crackdowns on numerous peaceful rallies.

All sectors of society in West Papua including lawyers, human rights defenders, activists, clergy and journalists faced regular intimidation or the threat of arrest.

The year ended with a shocking massacre of four school boys when on 8 December 2014 security forces fired into a crowd of approximately 800 peaceful demonstrators (including women and children) in Enarotali in the Panai regency.

Despite international media coverage the perpetrators have not been brought to justice.

This reality is all the more grim when one considers the fact that violent crimes committed by police and security forces are rarely punished.

Indonesia is failing to address serious concerns regarding impunity for security forces.

Amnesty International states: “Impunity for human rights violations is commonplace. Accountability mechanisms to deal with police abuse remain weak, and reports of torture by members of the security forces often go unchecked and unpunished.”

Political prisoners languish in jail in West Papua for nothing more than raising the Papuan Morning Star flag or taking part in peaceful events.

In August 2013, four leaders were arrested at a solidarity event in West Papua that included a prayer meeting and the display of the Morning Star, Aboriginal, and Torres Straits flags inside a church.

On 1 May 2015 over 260 West Papuans were arrested by security forces for simply taking part in peaceful rallies in contravention of their right to freedom of expression and assembly.

They were commemorating the 52nd anniversary of the administrative transfer of West Papua to Indonesia.

West Papua is currently off limits to international journalists.

Foreign journalists trying to report on West Papua have been arrested, deported and even imprisoned.

While Indonesia's president Joko Widodo announced the end of the decades-long restriction on foreign journalists reporting on West Papua during a visit in May 2015, the President’s assurance has already been cast into doubt by contradictory statements made by members of his administration stating that foreign journalists would still have to apply for permits and would be subjected to screening.

During the same visit to West Papua Indonesian President Joko Widodo announced the release of five political prisoners, under ‘clemency provisions’ which require them to admit guilt for their past actions.

If the release of the five prisoners is to be seen as genuine progress, it must be followed by an increase in the rights and democratic freedoms of the Papuan people.

Unfortunately there are signs that the opposite is happening.



Indonesia’s Development Policy

Indigenous West Papuans are now a minority in their land.

From a large majority (96.09%) of the population in 1971, projected population figures for 2020 place West Papuans at 28.99% of the population, highlighting a rapidly changing demographic.

The Indonesian government’s policy to accelerate development in West Papua policy is unlikely to bring peace or development.

It is, in fact, likely worsening the human rights situation in West Papua and further marginalising West Papuan people economically, socially, politically and culturally.

West Papuans must contend with the exploitation of their rich timber and mineral resources for which they receive little benefit.

Large-scale mining and deforestation are causing massive social dislocation, devastation of rainforests and pollution of streams and rivers which people depend on to survive.

The United National Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination has written to the Indonesian government to express concern about the impacts of the planned large-scale Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate (MIFEE) project, which involves the conversion of a vast area of land, including forests, into plantations growing food, energy and other crops, on the indigenous peoples affected by this agro-industrial mega-project.



Role of the Pacific Island Forum

West Papua has always been considered part of the Pacific Community. Netherlands New Guinea, as West Papua used to be known, was a member of the South Pacific Commission (SPC), a forerunner of the PIF.

West Papuans attended the SPC meetings until the Netherlands ceded its authority to the United Nations Temporary Executive Authority in 1962.

From the time Indonesia took control of the territory in 1963, West Papua has been excluded from regional meetings.

West Papuan leaders are turned down when they ask for observer status, but Indonesia is accepted as a ‘dialogue partner’

However, some of the most significant efforts to inspire action to end human rights violations in West Papua have come from countries in the South Pacific region.

Leaders of Nauru and Vanuatu spoke in support of self-determination for West Papua at the UN Millennium Summit in New York.

Nauru also invited West Papuan representatives to be part of the official Nauru delegation at the 2000 PIF summit in Kiribati.

Then president of Nauru, Mr Bernard Dowiyogo, declared, “[I]f the Forum is to continue to be relevant then it must confront such issues which are important to the lives and democratic rights of the people of our region.”

Subsequent PIF meetings have included expressions of concern about the human rights situation in West Papua.

However, in recent years the PIF has dropped the human rights situation in West Papua from its agenda and West Papua has not been mentioned in the official PIF Communiqué.

Now, after over 53 years of political struggle for the right to self-determination, the ULMWP—the unified and recognised coordinating body representing West Papua with support throughout Tanah Papua—was granted Observer status by the 20th MSG Leaders summit in Honiara.

It is noted that the Solomon Islands Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare, as chair of the Summit, played a significant role in ensuring this historic decision was made. 

This political recognition provides opportunity for West Papua to participate in regional dialogue with Indonesia for the first time in history.

It is clear that this step was achieved through the increasing support from the people of the Melanesian countries, as well as those in the wider Pacific region and beyond.

Currently, West Papuan leaders are committed to non-violent means to achieve their aspirations and to resolve problems and grievances.

The PIF has proven itself to be an effective regional advocate. The forum—whose mandate is to promote regional stability—has a responsibility to help resolve this longstanding Pacific conflict.

It is incumbent on the PIF to take substantive action. Specifically, we urge the leaders of the 46th PIF summit to:

• Devote serious attention to West Papua’s deteriorating human rights situation and make reference to the on-going human rights abuses in West Papua in their annual communiqué.
  
• Establish a regional Fact Finding Team to conduct a Human Rights Assessment in West Papua.
  
• Support the call made by the former Prime Minister of Vanuatu, Moana Kalosil Carcasses at the 25th Session of the UN Human Rights Council in March 2014 in Geneva, Switzerland, for the UN to appoint a special representative to investigate alleged human rights abuses in West Papua.
  
• Grant observer status to genuine representatives of the Melanesian people of West Papua, those who are struggling for their right to self-determination.

We thank you in advance for acknowledging the rights and aspirations of the people of West Papua as a priority issue.

FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES, FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES, 1961–1963
VOLUME XXIII, SOUTHEAST ASIA, DOCUMENT 162

---

162. Memorandum of Conversation

Washington, April 10, 1961, 11:05 a.m.–noon.

• SUBJECT
• West New Guinea

• PARTICIPANTS
• United States
• The President
• George W. Ball, Under Secretary for Economic Affairs
• Foy D. Kohler, Assistant Secretary for European Affairs
• John S. Rice, Ambassador-designate to the Netherlands.
• The Netherlands
• Foreign Minister Luns
• Dr. J. H. van Roijen, Ambassador of the Netherlands

After initial greetings, picture taking and exchange of Navy service reminiscences, the President opened the talks by raising the question of West New Guinea. He referred to his recent conversation with Australian Prime Minister Menzies on the subject¹ and to the upcoming visit to Washington of Indonesian President Sukarno and said he would welcome an expression of Mr. Luns’ judgment as to where this matter stands and what developments are foreseeable.

Mr. Luns replied that Netherlands relations with Indonesia had deteriorated in direct ratio to the growth of power of Sukarno over the past ten years. The Dutch from the beginning had warned their Western allies that Sukarno was a dangerous opportunist. Suddenly two years after the Round Table settlement Sukarno had proclaimed that West New Guinea belonged to Indonesia and that he was no longer willing to discuss the question with the Dutch. Sukarno had persistently refused, as proposed by the Dutch, that his claim be submitted to the International Court of Justice. Meanwhile the Indonesians had proceeded to confiscate Dutch property and oust Dutch nationals. Even at the time of the conference of 1949, in which Ambassador van Roijen participated, the Dutch had refused to turn over West New Guinea to the Indonesians for two reasons. First, West New Guinea was an entirely different country with entirely different people than the Indonesians. Secondly, the Papuans were not yet prepared and able to express their wishes.

The President asked whether there had not been an agreement to talk about the status of West New Guinea within a year of the Round Table agreements. Mr. Luns replied that they had talked with the Indonesians and had offered to incorporate West New Guinea in the then foreseen Dutch commonwealth. However the whole deal had been repudiated by the Indonesians and had become a dead letter. The Netherlands had invested over one billion guilders in educating and preparing the Papuans for self-determination. He then referred to the sense of disappointment and shock with which the Government and people of the Netherlands had received the United States withdrawal of its previous acceptance of the invitation to participate in the inauguration of the local self-government councils in West New Guinea.

The President said that he had carefully considered this matter and had felt that there were two main reasons making U.S. participation inadvisable. We were on the brink of a possible intervention in Laos and did not want to have an incident to the south when we were so heavily engaged in other parts of the area. Secondly, he feared that participation at this time might create difficulties in the way of our accomplishing anything positive during the forthcoming visit of Sukarno. Mr. Luns replied that he understood the reasons but with all respect to the President he felt that the withdrawal of our acceptance was not a wise action. He felt, first, that this action was contrary to what the United States stands for in the world; and secondly, that the decision made the United States appear opportunistic in its handling of such matters. He had discussed the question even with African ambassadors who had agreed with these reactions. The President said he did not want to seem critical of ambassadors particularly in the presence of such a distinguished ambassador as Mr. van Roijen but that he thought ambassadors were frequently likely to say what they thought their interlocutor would find agreeable. He dared say that the State Department could cite many cases of ambassadors who had expressed contrary views to us on this question. Mr. Luns resumed, saying that he had had a talk with Indian Prime Minister Nehru in London three weeks ago and discussed the question with him. He said that Nehru had agreed that he could see no alterative to the policy that the Dutch were presently following in Indonesia. He said that he had spoken to Secretary General Hammarskjold as long ago as 1958 and a number of times since about the Dutch willingness to have the UN scrutinize Dutch policies and conditions in West New Guinea, but that the Secretary General had not felt that he could take on this burden. Mr. Luns had also made clear that they were prepared to have a suitable United Nations trusteeship for West New Guinea. However even in 1958 Hammarskjold had said that the Dutch would not get a two-thirds vote for a bona fide trusteeship. He thought it possible that this was still the case and that a trusteeship arrangement would not be approved unless it were in fact not bona fide. The Dutch could not turn West New Guinea over to the Indonesians and break all their promises to the Papuans. Moreover even if they did so, this crisis might disappear but new crises would follow as the Indonesians moved against the Australian portion of New Guinea or against the Portuguese in the island of Timor. He said that the Dutch situation vis-à-vis the Indonesians was like that of the United States vis-à-vis Castro. The President quickly questioned the Foreign Minister’s equation of the two cases and considerable inconclusive discussion then ensued on this point. Ambassador van Roijen terminated this discussion by saying there was at least one difference between the two cases, namely that the United States still has its interests in Cuba protected by the Swiss whereas the Indonesians had deprived the Dutch of any representation of their interests there. He then went on to say that in his discussion with Mr. Bowles the latter had cited as a further reason for the U.S. decision the fact that the United States has been making plans which it hoped might provide for a means of settlement of the West New Guinea issue.

The President replied that of course we do not have any idea that we can settle this question but that we had been giving thought to possible ways to solve it. It was particularly in relation to this that he had wanted to get the views of the Foreign Minister.

Mr. Luns then referred to the conversations that he had had with former Secretary of State Acheson and his successors and to the effectiveness of the “political deterrent” which they had exercised against possible Indonesian aggression by warning the Indonesians that the use of force to achieve their objectives with respect to West New Guinea would not be allowed. This of course was in accordance with standing policy voiced by the United States. In 1958 he had approached Mr. Dulles with the evidence of aggressive Indonesian intentions, and the vigorous diplomatic action which the latter had taken with Sukarno had been sufficient to frustrate Indonesian plans. Mr. Luns felt that “in a couple of years” the Dutch might be able to leave West New Guinea without leaving a “Congo” situation behind them. The basic structure of local self-government was being created which would make it possible for the Papuans to express a free choice as to their own destiny, whether that be independence or union with the Australian part of the island or whatever they wanted. The Dutch had reinforced their defense posture as they were duty bound to do. However, they would be most reluctant to wage a war alone in the Pacific. They had already suffered two defeats in the area and a third would be too much. Mr. Luns said he was very concerned as regards the effect which the United States position might have on Dutch-American relations in NATO and elsewhere. He had been delighted to learn of the actions the President was taking to strengthen NATO. However, if the United States should for opportunistic reasons abandon its principles, this would create difficulties and differences. He wanted to assure the President that the Dutch were willing to explore with the United States any and all formulae which might promote a solution. Ambassador van Roijen added that if the Dutch were left alone in the Far East, Dutch public opinion would feel that they had been “left in the lurch” by their allies.

The President said he had difficulty in understanding why the Dutch were so concerned about this faraway island which was really a great burden for them and asked how long the Dutch contemplated remaining there. Mr. Luns replied that they hoped to be able to bring the Papuans along toward self-government and self-determination in 5 to 10 years. The President then inquired about the strength of the Dutch forces in West New Guinea. Mr. Luns said they had: 3 destroyers; 8 patrol boats; 10 landing craft; 1 squadron of jet planes; 1 squadron of conventional planes; some helicopters; 1 battalion of infantry; 1 battalion of marines; and a 400-man anti-aircraft artillery unit. In addition there were about 200 troops in the West New Guinea constabulary.

The President then inquired about Indonesian strength. Mr. Luns replied that the Dutch thought the Indonesians could mount an invading force of some 2 to 3,000. However, any incursion involving more than 100 to 150 men the Dutch would know about. At present the Indonesians would have to start from Fak (phonetic?) but soon would have facilities in Amboina. However the Dutch do a daily sweep in the West New Guinea waters and the Papuans have an effective though primitive signal system so there would be no invasion without advance warning. The President then asked what the Australians would do and Mr. Luns replied that this would depend entirely on what the United States did.

The President then referred to the burden of $20 million per annum falling on the Dutch (which Mr. Luns interjected to correct to $35 million) and said he still could not understand why they wanted to continue. Mr. Luns replied that apart from “idealism” there was some importance of the territory to the KLM airline operation and to Dutch shipping since the Dutch had been completely ousted from Indonesia. Ambassador van Roijen supplemented this by saying that the Dutch had toward West New Guinea “a sense of task, of mission”. This was universally and very sincerely felt by the Parliament and the people. The President said that he accepted the Ambassador’s explanation as a fact since there was certainly no other explanation. Mr. Luns discounted the importance of the financial burden on the Dutch. He said that he thought the Netherlands carried perhaps the highest rate in the world of contributions of aid to the underdeveloped countries. They felt they had “a duty to do something” and that through the Common Market alone they were contributing about $70 million for this purpose.

The President said he thought we should understand clearly what we were talking about. It appeared that the question was one of engaging us in possible hostilities on the political and maybe even on the military level over a very costly, primitive area of no strategic significance. He said this was a very heavy burden to assume for such an area which was clearly non-essential to the defense of the Netherlands. He recognized that the Dutch were outstanding as allies in NATO, that we have a very favorable trade balance with them, and that we receive constant support from them. He assured the Foreign Minister that we want to keep it that way.

Ambassador van Roijen repeated that he could assure the President that the Dutch people had a unanimous feeling of mission to assure the Papuans of their right to self-determination. Mr. Luns added that there was a further consideration. If the Dutch should yield, difficulties in the area would simply increase for the Australians and for the Portuguese in Timor. At present, because the Indonesians were concentrating on West New Guinea, these other questions were dormant. He cited the parallel of the surrender of Sudetenland to Hitler when people had thought they could relax. The world had seen the United States take a clear stand on colonial issues with respect to Portugal; now it saw the opposite stand with respect to West New Guinea. The source of the trouble in West New Guinea was Sukarno personally. If Sukarno should disappear then all problems could be solved. He reiterated that Sukarno had so far been restrained only by the United States political deterrent. The question at issue was not that of $35 million annual expenditure. There were 18,000 Dutchmen in West New Guinea; they had built more than 1,000 schools. Progress was being made. In reply to a question from the President, Mr. Luns said there were between 700,000 and one million Papuans in West New Guinea and approximately 1.5 million in the Australian side of the island. He went on to point out that in the United Nations there were 70 member countries with a smaller population than the Netherlands and 88 countries with a smaller national income. Ambassador van Roijen said it would be most helpful if the President would deliver a warning to Sukarno when he visits here since the new Administration had not yet done so.

The President said that the Secretary of State would talk with Mr. Luns in detail as to some of the thinking we had been doing regarding this problem. He personally had wanted to get the Foreign Minister’s own views for his background. He repeated that we were very heavily engaged in Southeast Asia, in Laos and in Viet-Nam and without great support from our allies. We were not unmindful of Dutch views on this matter. However, we wanted to be sure that what we do is in accordance with the common interest. When the United States shoots across Sukarno’s bow, increased Soviet influence and efforts would be an inevitable result.

Foreign Minister Luns replied that in his view the United States had a responsibility in this matter on three scores. First of all, the United States was and is President of the United Nations Commission on Indonesia. It was the United States in this capacity which had refused discussion in the Commission of Dutch complaints and criticisms and had allowed the work of the Commission to die. Secondly, the United States had made heavy weapons deliveries to the Indonesians contrary to his advice. It had been argued that the delivery of United States weapons would keep the Indonesians from turning to the Soviets, to which he had replied that United States deliveries would simply encourage the Soviets to underbid and outbid us. He was now proven right by the Indonesians’ big deal with the Soviets for arms. Thirdly, the United States must not give the Indonesians the impression that there was a changed or different U.S. attitude toward the use of force. This would only lead Sukarno to reckless action which the Soviets and Chinese Communists would back. He could assure the President that many Indonesians did not want such backing. He had spoken very frankly but he considered it his duty to express his views.

The President commented with a smile that the Foreign Minister had expressed his views with great vigor. In reply to a question from the Ambassador as to whether he saw any relationship between West New Guinea and Berlin, the President pointed out that we were standing against the Russians and against the Chinese Communists in Viet Minh, Laos and Viet-Nam; then there was the question of the offshore islands and of South Korea against North Korea, not to mention the difficulties in the Congo. The Dutch could understand that we want to be sure of our ground in those situations.

Mr. Luns asserted that in the case of West New Guinea the use of the political deterrent would in fact spare us the trouble of having to face up to real hostilities. He reiterated that the Acheson and Dulles warnings to Sukarno had been effective. In 1958, he said, Secretary Dulles and Under Secretary Herter had promised logistical support to the Dutch in case of Indonesian attack while pointing out that the commitment of troops would depend on Congressional action. The President commented that the problem was how the case could be put on the most favorable basis from the point of view of all concerned. Mr. Luns again repeated the importance in their view of a political warning to Sukarno on the occasion of his forthcoming visit to the United States.

The President then said that his commitment to open the baseball season—an engagement which seemed to have a certain importance in the United States—was about upon him. However, before the Foreign Minister left he wished to mention a couple of other matters. The first of these was the question of the Dutch request for landing rights for KLM on the West Coast. His Administration had reviewed this matter and was desirous of trying to do what it could. Under Secretary of State Ball would talk with the Foreign Minister about this at the Department later in the day. The second was the question of the Sixes and Sevens in Europe. The President wanted to stress our continuing support of the Common Market which also would be discussed between the Foreign Minister and the State Department. Mr. Luns expressed his appreciation and indicated that he would be glad to pursue the detailed discussion with the State Department. With reference to the Common Market, he pointed out that the Rome treaties contemplated both economic and political integration in the Six. The economic process was developing very satisfactorily but President de Gaulle was attempting to put political cooperation on the basis of simply a loose and old-fashioned coalition. He had opposed this firmly but feared he had not had much effect on de Gaulle, who had only commented that he greatly admired the tenacity of his (Mr. Luns’) views. The Netherlands Government had not made a final decision what its policy would be at the May 19 meeting of Heads of Government of the Six. They might feel it was necessary to be negative as regards the establishment of political integration machinery based on Paris. The Germans tended to be ambivalent. The Dutch believed in Franco-German integration but not in a way and to an extent to make de Gaulle spokesman for Europe.

The President referred to his talks with British Prime Minister Macmillan and expressed the view that as the UK became more and more involved with the continent the Common Market would be strengthened. Mr. Luns agreed that UK participation in the continent would take away many of the Dutch fears and objections whether the UK should join simply in political discussions or as full members of EEC. However, the Dutch did not anticipate such development. Ambassador van Roijen added that the Dutch thought that de Gaulle would veto full membership for the UK.

The President then referred to a talk he had heard by Professor Geyl at Harvard sometime ago and remarked that the Professor was not an integrationist. Mr. Luns replied that he was not a follower of Professor Geyl. He was for the Rome Treaty.

---

^* Source: Department of State, Central Files, 656.9813/4–1061. Secret. Drafted by Kohler and approved in Bon April 19 and the White House on April 22. The time of the meeting is from the President’s Appointment Book. (Kennedy Library)

¹ Prime Minister Menzies met with Kennedy on February 24 for luncheon and then privately from 2:52 to 3:05 p.m. (Ibid.) At the lunch meeting, Menzies outlined Australia’s position on West New Guinea, stressing its close ties with Australia and its importance to Australia’s national security. Menzies believed Australians would react adversely to West New Guinea falling into the hands of “Communist dominated Indonesia,” whose claim was political rather than legal. Menzies stated Indonesia’s position represented “substitution of brown colonialism for white colonialism.” He recommended continued Netherlands administration under trusteeship but realized it would be politically difficult. He feared that U.N. trusteeship would be a mechanism for turning the territory over to Indonesia. (Memorandum of conversation, February 24; Department of State, Central Files, 033.4311/3–261)

Tito Karnavian Duga OPM Terlibat dalam Penyerangan di Tolikara

Selasa, 21/07/2015 16:21:03

Tito Karnavian dan Agus Sutomo usai menggelar pertemuan dengan tokoh agama, ormas dan pemuda di Mapolda Metro Jaya, Selasa (21/7). (foto: tribunnews.com)

Jakarta (SI Online) - Irjen Pol Tito Karnavian menduga ada keterlibatan kelompok separatis-teroris Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM) dalam kasus penyerangan terhadap Muslim dan pembakaran Masjid di Karubaga, Tolikara, Papua, Jumat pagi (17/07) lalu. 

"Penyerangan dengan modus pelanggaran HAM seperti ini biasa dilakukan oleh anggota OPM," kata Kapolda Metro Jaya Tito Karnavian saat menggelar pertemuan dengan tokoh agama, ormas dan pemuda di Mapolda Metro Jaya, Selasa (21/7). 

 

Tito mengatakan selama menjabat sebagai Kapolda di Papua, tak jarang ia menemukan kasus yang serupa. Menurut dia, permasalahan di Papua, khususnya Tolikara bukanlah masalah agama pada umumnya. "Masyarakat di Papua sangat toleran dan moderat dalam hal agama," ujar Tito. 

 

Tito berharap permasalahan di Papua dapat segera terselesaikan. Selain itu, ia bersama ormas Islam dan masyarakat lainnya juga mendukung penyelidikan dan penegakan hukum dalam insiden tersebut. "Siapa yang salah harus dihukum sesuai perbuatannya," ungkap mantan Kepala Densus 88 AT Mabes Polri itu.

 

Ibarat Sumbu Petasan

 

Dalam kesempatan dan tempat yang sama, Panglima Kodam Jaya Mayjen TNI Agus Sutomo mengatakan insiden penyerangan umat Muslim di Tolikara, Papua ibarat sumbu petasan yang dinyalakan dan siap untuk diledakkan.

 

Dijelaskan Agus, apabila sumbu yang panjang itu tidak dipadamkan, maka dikhawatirkan akan meledak hingga kemana-mana, bahkan tidak terkecuali di ibukota.

 

"Tolikara itu sumbu yang pada akhirnya meledak. Dan ini tugas kepolisian serta TNI bertanggung jawab untuk memadamkan sumbu agar jangan sampai meledak di ibukota," tegas mantan Danjen Kopassus itu.

 

Selain itu, Agus juga mengimbau pada masyarakat agar tidak mudah terprovokasi dengan isu-isu yang bisa menyulut kericuhan. Ia menambahkan, dari kerusuhan di Tolikara, ada pihak tidak bertanggungjawab yang menginginkan kekacauan meluas dan menciptakan keresahan di mana-mana.

 

"Itulah yang mereka inginkan, Indonesia terjatuh, ekonomi terpuruk, dan kerusuhan dimana-mana," katanya.

 

red: abu faza

Freeport Keruk Ribuan Triliun, RI Tak Berkutik

Posted by KabarNet pada 06/05/2014

Jakarta – KabarNet: Freeport McMoran Indonesia telah melakukan kejahatan multidimensional. Kejahatan lingkungan, kejahatan kemanusiaan, kejahatan ekonomi, kejahatan hukum dan kejahatan politik dilakukan serentak oleh perusahaan pertambangan yang termasuk dalam kategori industri hitam ini.

Dalam berbagai kesempatan WALHI dan JATAM telah berulangkali meniup peluit peringatan agar Pemerintah Indonesia segera melakukan langkah kongkrit untuk menghentikan kejahatan serba aspek itu demi menegakkan kedaulatan ekonomi, hukum dan politik Indonesia. Namun hasilnya sebegitu jauh sungguh mengecewakan.

Bahkan kesan yang kita peroleh adalah protes dan jeritan anak-anak bangsa di Papua dan di tempat lain seperti Jakarta dianggap oleh Pemerintah yang berkuasa saat ini sebagai gangguan dan ribut-ribut belaka tanpa makna. Kesan cukup kuat menunjukkan Pemerintah melindungi berbagai kejahatan Freeport itu sambil seolah mengatakan: “JANGAN KHAWATIR FREEPORT, TERUS SAJA SILAHKAN MENGURAS SDA KAMI DI PAPUA, KAMI AKAN TETAP MELINDUNGI ANDA”.

Di rumah rakyat Indonesia siang ini, kita mencoba meniup peluit (whistle-blowing) sekeras-kerasnya dengan harapan para anggota DPR RI dan Pemerintah Susilo mendengar peringatan dan “teriakan” kita bahwa telah terjadi penjajahan ekonomi dan politik oleh Freeport terhadap Indonesia.

Penjajahan yang begitu telak dan kasat mata itu seharusnya segera dihentikan. Namun ada kemungkinan, sekeras-kerasnya peluit dibunyikan, jika yang kita hadapi adalah orang-orang pekak dan tuli, maka si peniup peluit bisa-bisa lelah sendiri.

Kasus Freeport bukanlah satu-satunya. Ada berlusin-lusin kontrak karya pertambangan lainnya antara Indonesia dengan berbagai korporasi asing yang tidak masuk akal sehat. Mengapa? Karena hampir semua kontrak karya pertambangan itu merupakan pengulangan praktek penjajahan. Korporasi asing mendapat keuntungan yang terlalu besar, sementara pihak Indonesia hanya mendapat royalti ala kadarnya dan memikul beban dan destruksi lingkungan yang mustahil dapat dipulihkan.

Mungkinkah kita mengembalikan sebuah gunung kecil yang sudah lenyap dihajar Freeport dan berubah jadi “danau” buruk dan melelehkan salju di puncak Gunung Jaya Wijaya yang merupakan salah satu keajaiban alam? Keajaiban alam itu kini tinggal kenangan. Keserakahan Freeport adalah tipikal korporasi internasional yang bergerak di bidang pertambangan. Exxon mobil adalah penjarah SDA negara-negara berkembang yang tidak kalah serakah.

Kita mengetahui, Pemerintah Susilo telah memberikan operatorship minyak Blok Cepu sepenuhnya kepada Exxon. Juga Exxon diberi hak untuk mengeksploitasi minyak kita sampai tahun 2036. Di salah satu gedung di kompleks MPR/DPR RI ini Persatuan Ahli Geologi Indonesia pernah memprotes keras keputusan Pemerintah itu karena mereka merasa terhina, dianggap tidak mampu mengeksploitasi SDA milik kita sendiri. Sayang, protes itu dianggap angin lalu. Tidak kalah gila adalah bagaimana Indonesia mendapat 0% takkala Exxon menguras gas alam kita di Natuna.

Pertambangan gas alam yang dikerjakan Exxon di wilayah Natuna itu sangat ganjil. Produksi gas alam itu dibawa ke wilayah Singapura lewat pipa bawah laut, dijualkan oleh agen-agen Exxon di negara Singa itu, tanpa sedikit pun kita pernah tahu, berapa volume gas alam kita yang dijarah dan berapa nilai kerugian kita untuk masa puluhan tahun. Menurut Paul Krugman, Exxon adalah musuh planet bumi. Dimana-mana Exxon menghancurkan lingkungan hidup demi maksimalisasi profit yang dikejar. Exxon menjadi musuh planet bumi karena telah menyogok para ilmuwan yang meragukan adanya global warming. Implikasinya adalah bahwa Exxon dengan jaringan pertambangannya yang terbesar di muka bumi tidak punya andil dalam global warming.

Krugman menunjukkan bahwa bukan hanya Exxon sebagai korporasi yang serakah, tetapi juga para direksinya. Lee Raymond, mantan CEO Exxon, selama bekerja 13 tahun mendapat gaji $ 686 juta atau sekitar 6 triliun dan 174 milyar rupiah. Lumayan bukan? Kembali ke Freeport. Freeport melanjutkan penjajahan dan penghinaannya pada Indonesia ketika Freeport meng-akuisisi Phelps Dodge Corp, perusahaan pertambangan emas saingannya senilai $ 25,9 milyar. Bayangkan, hampir 26 milyar dolar. Dari jumlah pembayaran yang senilai sekitar 234 triliun rupiah itu, yang 70% dibayar tunai dan sisanya diselesaikan lewat pinjaman Bank.

Cerita Prof. Dr. M. Amien Rais, saya diberitahu seorang lobbyist Partai Demokrat Amerika, sesungguhnya tindakan Freeport itu keliru karena cadangan SDA kita di perut bumi Papua dijadiakan kolateral atau jaminan kredit bank. Harusnya, kata dia, Indonesia merasa terhina karena tidak dilibatkan sama sekali dalam akuisisi Phelps Dodge tersebut. Saya katakan bagaimana Indonesia merasa terhina, wong faham saja tidak. Tetapi saya yakin Presiden Susilo (mantan menteri pertambangan RI) dan Menteri Purnomo tentu faham dan sangat faham dengan apa yang terjadi.

Sikap Indonesia terhadap korporasi asing agaknya memang berbeda dibandingkan dengan negara-negara lain. Saya yakin negara-negara petro-dollar di Timur Tengah menjadi kaya karena pemerintah di Kawasan itu tidak bodoh-bodoh amat. Bahwa korporasi minyak dan pertambangan dari Amerika, Inggris, Belanda, Prancis dll diundang untuk melakukan kegiatan pertambangan itu sudah pasti. Akan tetapi dalam production-sharing dan profit-sharing, negara-negara Timur Tengah itu cukup cerdas dan berani meminta bagian yang lebih masuk akal, dibanding Indonesia. Indonesia nampak selalu tunduk, merunduk, bahkan tiarap berhadapan dengan korporasi asing yang dalam 24 jam sehari – semalam ideologi mereka adalah maksimalisasi keuntungan dengan segala cara.

Pemerintah Susilo tidak boleh lupa bila keserakahan dan keganasan berbagai korporasi asing seperti Freeport tersebut dibiarkan, apalagi dilindungi, hakekatnya Pemerintah Susilo sudah melakukan kejahatan terhadap rakyatnya sendiri. Dengan kata lain, Pemerintah telah melakukan State-Corporate Crime, yakni kejahatan korporasi yang dibiarkan atau bahkan difasilitasi oleh negara. Kebijakan ekonomi dan kebijakan pertambangan Pemerintah Susilo nampaknya belum berubah dari kebijakan-kebijakan sebelum reformasi.

Malah dalam kasus Blok Cepu, kebijakan yang diambil hanyalah meneruskan kebiasaan buruk masa lalu, yakni mensubordinasikan kepentingan bangsa sendiri dibawah kepentingan korporasi asing. Tentu pernyataan saya ini akan dibantah, tetapi fakta selalu berbicara tentang dirinya sendiri. Bayangkan, kontrak karya II antara Indonesia dengan Freeport baru berakhir pada 2041. Di tahun itu angkatan saya, Jusuf Kalla, Susilo B. Yudhoyono, dan seanteronya sudah berpindah ke alam baka. Bisakah kita tenang di alam baka jika generasi cucu kita merasa kecewa berat karena kita biarkan terus kekuatan korporatokrasi menguras ludes SDA kita di daratan, lautan dan perut bumi Indonesia?

Sehingga kita mewariskan kemelaratan, kekecewaan dan kehancuran ekologi pada cucu dan cicit kita? Saya tetap yakin bangsa Indonesia bisa jadi bangsa besar di masa datang. Tetapi proyeksi Indonesia menjadi salah satu dari 5 raksasa ekonomi dunia di th 2030 dengan dasar keadaan kita sekarang yang makin terpuruk, kiranya masih jauh panggang dari api. Disamping itu tentu dapat meninabobokkan bangsa yang sedang resah dan gelisah menghadapi kehidupan yang tetap saja sulit.

Kemerosotan dalambanyak hal adalah prestasi Pemerintahan Susilo. Kiranya peringatan seorang ekonom terkenal, Ravi Brata, bagus untuk dicamkan oleh Pemerintah Susilo dan para Anggota DPR kita yang mudah lupa diri.

Professor Brata mengatakan: “Setiap jenis korupsi adalah buruk, tetapi korupsi kebijakan ekonomi mungkin adalah yang paling bejat. Kejahatan seperti itu terjadi bilamana para anggota DPR bukan saja memperkaya diri sendiri, tetapi juga menolak perbaikan hidup bagi masyarakat yang tertindas, yakni bagi mereka yang memiliki kekuatan tawar yang kecil dan merupakan bagian terlemah dalam masyarakat” (Any kind of corruption is bad; but the corruption of economic policy is perhaps the worst. Such malfeasance occurs when lawmakers not only enrich themselves but also deny just rewards to the downtrodden, that is, to those who have little bargaining power and are the weakest sections of society) Kalau saya boleh menambahkan, DPR RI kita sekarang ini telah, sedang dan akan meloloskan bersama pembuatan berbagai Undang-Undang di bidang kehutanan, pelayaran, penanaman modal asing, pengolahan air, energi dan listrik, yang sebenarnya, sekali lagi, semuanya lebih menguntungkan pihak asing daripada rakyat sendiri. Luar biasa.

Kemarin kita dikagetkan dengan kemungkinan lolosnya RUU Penanaman Modal yang kental kepentingan asing. Memang sulit membuktikan bahwa ada tekanan – rayuan – sogokan dari korporasi asing pada sementara anggota DPR kita. Namun dengan adanya penolakan terhadap usulan penanganan dugaan kejahatan korporasi dari DPR RI itu tidak berlebihan bila dikatakan bahwa Eksekutif dan Legislatif kita hakikatnya telah menjadikan Indonesia for Sale. Bayangkan, para pemodal asing dibolehkan memiliki hak guna usaha sampai 70, 80, dan 95 tahun. Indonesia seperti negara yang kesurupan atau kesetanan. Tanah, sebagai aset termahal, dapat diserahkan ke kapitalis asing sampai mendekati satu abad.

Demikian juga hutan-hutan kita juga sedang dipindah tangankan ke pemodal asing untuk kurun waktu 75 tahun sampai satu abad. Indonesia for Sale!!. Kita perlu belajar dari negara-negara lain seperti Venezuela dan Bolivia. Kedua negara ini berhasil keluar dari cengkeraman korporatokrasi internasional. Mereka berhasil melakukan negosiaisi ulang atas seluruh perjanjian pertambangan dengan pihak asing yang semula merugikan bangsa sendiri. Rakyat Venezuela mulai menikmati hasil SDA nya secara lebih besar sejak sekitar 4 tahun lalu, sedangkan rakyat Bolivia merasakan hal yang sama sejak akhir tahun 2006.

Ternyata keduanya berhasil melakukan negosiasi seluruh kontrak pertambangan dengan korporasi asing. Tidak betul bahwa renegosiasi kontrak pertambangan adalah tabu. Malaysia dan Iran, bahkan negara-negara penghasil minyak, gas dan mineral di Timur Tengah pada umumnya tidak menjadi bangsa pecundang. Setahu saya, sulit dicari sebuah bangsa yang lupa diri dan lupa harga, martabat dan kehormatan diri seperti halnya bangsa Indonesia. Yang kita alami sesungguhnya adalah sebuah malapetaka kebodohan, rasa rendah diri yang berlebihan (inferiority complex) dan sekaligus rasa tidak percaya diri.

Namun masih ada secercah harapan, asalkan beberapa hal di bawah ini dapat dipenuhi. Pertama, pimpinan nasional atau pemerintah hendaknya berjiwa pemberani, memiliki moral courage untuk membela kepentingan bangsa sendiri berhadapan dengan kepentingan korporasi internasional. Indonesia harus berdiri sejajar dan sama tinggi dengan negara manapun juga. Indonesia adalah negara merdeka berdaulat penuh.

Kini makin terbukti, negara-negara yang menjauhi A.S. dan berusaha menegakkan kemandirian justru semakin berhasil dan mengalami kemajuan cepat. Anehnya, Indonesia dibawah Presiden Susilo semakin merapatkan diri dengan Paman Sam. Kedua, diperlukan kekompakan antara Eksekutif dan Legislatif untuk memukul balik setiap usaha hegemoni korporasi asing dalam menguasai Indonesia. Yang terlihat sekarang kedua lembaga demokrasi kita justru semakin mendekat dan mengunggulkan kepentingan korporasi asing daripada kepentingan bangsa sendiri. Ketiga, komponen-komponen bangsa seperti TNI, Polri, kaum intelektual, media massa, tokoh-tokoh muda dan tokoh-tokoh informal seharusnya memadukan kekuatan untuk mempertahankan kedaulatan kita dalam arti luas dari penerobosan kepentingan korporasi asing.

Sayang sampai sekarang belum terlihat penggalangan visi dan penyamaan posisi dalam menghadapi invasi politik, ekonomi dan budaya sebagai akibat proses globalisasi yang tidak terelakkan. Yang terlihat adalah baik DPR maupun Pemerintah berlomba membuka pintu rekolonisasi ekonomi Indonesia. Dengan stock kepemimpinan nasional yang sedang berkuasa sekarang ini dan dengan gaya dan semangat kerja seperti sekarang, jawaban atas pertanyaan Beranikah INDONESIA MENGHENTIKAN “PENJAJAHAN” FREEPORT? barangkali sudah jelas. Jawaban itu adalah tidak berani. Sama sekali tidak berani. Namun, saya harap saya keliru. Wallahu a’lam.

Catatan: Harian The New York Times edisi 27 Desember 2005 pernah memuat laporan panjang, 3 halaman penuh tentang kegiatan Freeport dengan Judul “Below a Mountain of Wealth, a River of Waste”. Disitu digambarkan betapa sementara perwira tinggi TNI dan Polri telah masuk dalam daftar penerima honorarium khusus. Juga untuk beaya pengadaan infrastruktur militer telah dikeluarkan dana sebanyak 35 juta dollar. Termasuk 70 Land Rover dan Land Cruiser yang diperbaharui setiap tahun. Seorang tokoh CIA dan dua mantan perwira militer AS juga digunakan. Melihat jaringan intelligence, polisi dan militer antara AS dan Indonesia di Freeport, agaknya tidak mudah untuk mengatakan NO pada Freeport.

Direktur Indonesian Resources Studies (IRESS), Marwan Batubara menyatakan, keuntungan yang didapat PT. Freeport Indonesia dari hasil tambangnya di Papua mencapai Rp 4.000 triliun. Hal ini dihitung dari hasil laporan cadangan mineral PT. Freeport Indonesia di tahun 2010.

“Cadangan mineral PT. Freeport Indonesia berdasarkan laporan tahunannya di tahun 2010, cadangan emas sebesar 55 juta ons, tembaga 56,6 pounds dan perak 180,8 juta ons di tambang Grasberg. Maka dengan harga mineral terutama emas yang terus naik, cadangan ini berpotensi menghasilkan USD 500 milyar atau sekitar Rp. 4000 triliun,” jelasnya.

Sebab itu, dirinya menilai perbuatan dengan memsukan unsur pembayaran pajak PPH untuk membesar-besarkan penerimaan Negara adalah tindakan yang tidak fair alias tidak adil.

Padahal menurutnya, pembayaran pajak memang sudah menjadi kewajiban perusahaan tambang sebagai biaya operasional perusahaan sebelum memperhitungkan keuntungan.

“Disebutkan setelah beroperasi lebih empat dasawarsa, total kontribusi PT. Freeport Indonesia hingga Juni 2011 sebesar 12,8 miliar. Jumlah tersebut terdiri atas royalti USD 1,3 miliar, deviden USD 1,2 miliar, PPh badan USD 7,9 miliar, PPH karyawan dan pajak lainnya USD 2,4 miliar. Tentu saja ini tidak relevan,” tegasnya di Jakarta.

Atas dasar hal itulah, dirinya mendesak PT. Freeport Indonesia harus mau renegosiasi dan mematuhi seluruh UU Nomor 4 Tahun 2009, tanpa kecuali. Jika PT. Freeport Indonesia tidak mau menjalankannya, maka perusahaan tambang asal Amerika tersebut dapat dikatakan telah melakukan pembangkangan atas undang-undang dan dapat ditindak lanjuti dengan pemutusan kontrak karya.

Selain itu dirinya juga mendesak agar pemerintah Indonesia juga mencabut PP No. 20 Tahun 1994 tentang kepemilikan saham dalam perusahaan yang didirikan dalam rangka Penanaman Modal Asing (PMA). Begitu juga dengan surat keputusan Badan Koordinasi dan Penanaman Modal (BKPM) Nomor 415/A.6/1997 yang antara lain berisi ketentuan membebaskan PT. Freeport Indonesia dari kewajiban divestasi.

Terlebih lagi penerbitan surat tersebut ditandatangani oleh Kepala BKPM yang jabatannya lebih rendah daripada Presiden, mengingat bahwa kontrak karya PT. Freeport Indonesia yang menandatangani adalah Presiden, sehingga tidak ada alasan BKPM untuk mengeluarkan surat yang bertentangan dengan kontrak karya yang ditandatangani Presiden.

Dimana dengan mencabut PP tersebut, lanjutnya, PT. Freeport Indonesia tidak dapat berkelit soal kewajibannya untuk melakukan divestasi saham seperti yang berlaku pada PT Newmont Nusa Tenggara (PT NNT). “Maka itu, kedepan pemerintah pusat dan derah harus membentuk konsorsium untuk memiliki saham PT. Freeport Indonesia dan menjadi pengendali mulai saat ini hingga 10 tahun yang akan datang,” pungkasnya. (Subandi, pengamat politik, berbagai sumber)

KEJAHATAN KORPORASI

John Perkins adalah penulis asal Amerika Serikat yang mengungkapkan kejahatan korporatokrasi yaitu jaringan yang bertujuan memetik laba melalui cara-cara korupsi, kolusi, dan nepotisme dari Negara-negara Dunia Ketiga, termasuk Indonesia.

Cara kerja mereka mirip mafia karena menggunakan semua cara, termasuk pembunuhan untuk mencapai tujuan. Ia mengungkapkan bandit-bandit ekonomilah yang melenyapkan Presiden Panama Omar Torrijos dan Presiden Ekuador Jaime Roldos. “Kita melakukan pekerjaan kotor. Tak ada yang tahu apa yang kamu lakukan, termasuk istri kamu. Kamu ikut atau tidak?, kalau mau dilarang keluar sampai mati,” kata bos Perkins yang suatu hari raib ibarat hantu.

Ikon korporatokrasi yang nyata Wapres Amerika Serikat Dick Cheney. Ia mantan CEO Halliburton—kontraktor terbesar di dunia—dan sampai kini menjadi penasihat bisnis MNC itu.

Cheney penganjur serbuan ke Irak yang dipalsukan lewat senjata pemusnah massal. Kini Halliburton bersama MNC lainnya menikmati keuntungan dari ladang minyak Irak.

Tugas pertama Perkins membuat laporan-laporan fiktif untuk IMF dan World Bank agar mengucurkan utang luar negeri kepada Negara-negara Dunia Ketiga.

Tugas kedua Perkins adalah membangkrutkan negeri penerima utang. Setelah tersandera utang yang menggunung, Negara pengutang dijadikan kuda yang dikendalikan kusir. Negara pengutang ditekan agar, misalnya, mendukung Pemerintah AS dalam voting di Dewan Keamanan PBB. Bisa juga Negara pengutang dipaksa menyewakan lokasi untuk pangkalan militer AS. Sering terjadi korporatokrasi memaksa negeri pengutang menjual ladang-ladang minyak mereka kepada MNC (multinational corporation) milik Negara-negara barat.

Bos Perkins, Charlie Illingworth mengingatkan Perkins bahwa Presiden AS Richard M Nixon menginginkan KEKAYAAN ALAM INDONESIA DIPERAS SAMPAI KERING. Di mata Nixon, Indonesia ibarat Real Estate terbesar di Dunia yang tidak boleh jatuh ke tangan Uni Soviet dan China. Perkins pun dinyatakan lulus sebagai bandit ekonomi andal berkat kariernya yang sukses di Indonesia. [KbrNet/RimaNews]