Krisis Papua:Massa Mengamuk ,Proses Sosialisasi UP4B Gagal ?

REP | 14 January 2012 | 01:0746 0  10 dari 11 Kompasianer menilai aktual

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Krisis di bumi Cenderawasih kelihatannya semakin sulit di selesaikan,karena solusi politik yang di tawarkan Jakarta kurang mendapat sambutan positif dari warga Papua.Hal ini tercermin dalam proses sosialisasi konsep konsep pemerintah Indonesia yang di namakan”Unit Percepatan Pembangunan Papua dan Papua Barat(UP4B) di Monsinam Beach Hotel,Manokwari Kamis 12 Januari 2012,yang akhirnya bubar tanpa solusi yang nyata.             
Sebagaimana dilaporkan oleh Suara Pembaruan,Jum’at 13 Januari 2012 ,bahwa dalam pertemuan di Mansinam Beach Hotel, Manokwari tersebut sekitar 20 warga Papua mengamuk sehingga Ketua UP4 B ,Bambang Darmono kabur lewat pintu belakang untuk meloloskan dirinya.Karenanya pertemuan yang juga di ikuti oleh Deputi UP4B,Irjen Pol(purn)Bagus Ekodanto,Prof.Iswahyudi,Dr.Feriyanto Jais,Dr.Sondiamar akhirnya pertemuan  tersebut  bubar dan tidak menghasilkan apa-apa.                                                                                                  
Dalam menanggapi amukan massa yang menyebabkan bubarnya pertemuan UP4B dengan jajaran birokrasi Papua tersebut,Direktur Eksekutif Bantuan Hukum(LP3BH)Manokwari,Yan Christian Warinussi menyatakan keprihatinannya terhadap peristiwa tersebut,diamana sekitar 20 warga Papua yang salah seorang diantaranya adalah Ketua Dewan  Adat Papua(DAP)wilayah III kepala burung,Barnabas Mandacan.                         
Menurut penerima penghargaan HAM internasional John Humphrey Freedom Award tahun 2005 di Canada itu menegaskan pula bahwa proses solsialisasi UP4B itu dilakukan terkesan kurang tranparan,bahkan tertutup bagi kelompok warga Papua yang merupakan dasar-dasar munculnya berbagai masalah konflik itu sendsiri.Mereka tidak di libatkan dalam proses sosialisasi tersebut,sehingga mustahil bisa menyelesaikan masalah konflik Papua  yang sudah berlarut-larut tersebut sekiranya Pemerintah Indonesia masih menghindari dialog dengan berbagai kelompok -kelompok  itu,yang merupakan komponen -komponen penting dalam masyarakat Papua tersebut.                                                                                                                       
Memang berbagai program yang akan dilaksanakan pemerintah terkesan tertutup,bahkan terkesan arogansinya yang kontra produktif dengan tujuan yang akan dicapainya.Inilah yang mengakibatkan mereka tidak memahami konsep-konsep yang menurut Jakarta itu baik ,sehingga masyarakat Papua tidak memahaminya apa tujuan dari konsep-konsep itu selain hanya berupa jargon-jargon politik  yang tidak berbeda  dengan konsep-konsep serupa  sebelumnya.Dalam konteks ini,pemerintah Indonesia di jakarata kelihatan sekali coba menghindari kelompok-kelompok masayarakat Papua yang mempersoalkan”status referendum 1969″ di Papua sehingga bergabung ke Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia.                                                                                                     
Meskipun menurut kacamatan Indonesia,bahwa masalah Papua itu sudah selesai seiring tuntasnya referendum 1969  yang di selenggarakan oleh PBB(UNTEA)yang merupakan dasar hukum yang mengikat ,bahwa Papua (kini propinsi Papua,Papua barat)merupakan wilayah kedaulatan NKRI secara utuh,dan tidak terpisahkan.Namun bagi kelompok-kelompok OPM(Organisasi Papua Merdeka),Tentara Pembebasan Nasional Papua barat(TPNPB),PDP ( Presidium Dewan Papua),Dewan Adat Papua(DAP),Aliansi Mahasiswa Pegunungan Tengah Papua(AMPTP),  West Papua National Authority(WPNA),West Papua National Coalition for Liberation(WPNCL),Komite Nasional Pemuda Papua(KNPP),Komite Nasional Papua Barat(KNPB),bersama parlemen-parlemen daerahnya,serta berbagai pemuka agama yang ada di papua masih sangat beragam persepsinya dalam masalah konflik Papua tersebut.Karenanya semstinya mereka jugga di libatkan dalam berbagai upaya untuk mengentaskan masalah masalah konflik sosial di wilayah Papua itu.                                                       
Memang masalah Papua itu bukan hanya masalah kesejahteraan warga Papua ,kemungkinan sekiranya masalah tersebut tidak berlarut-larut seperti sekarang ini boleh jadi masalah kesejahteraan sosial masyarakat Papua tersebut masih bisa relatif mudah diterima.Akan tetapi mereka sudah amat  menderita hampir setengah abad   ,menunggu realisasi janji muluk Jakarta yang tidak kunjung datang selain hanya jargon-jargon politik kosong belaka .Meskipun perut bumi cenderawasih tiap saat di keduk yang merusak lingkungan alam Papua sementara yang diuntungkan hanya rejim kapitalis asing seperti Paman Sam di Washington dan kapitalisme bumi putra yang patungan dengan asing di pusat pemerintah di Jakarta .                                                          
Hal itu tercermin dari ungkapan salah seorang pemimpin  KNPB(Komite Nasional Papua Barat)sebagaimana dikatakan oleh Juru Bicaranya,Mako Tubuni bahwa masalah Papua bukan hanya masalah kesejahteraan,tetapi masalah aneksasi yang telah lama.Karenanya mereka tidak menghedaki konsep-konsep UP4B yang di sodorkan Jakarta ,tetapi mereka menghendaki suatu dialog antara warga Papua dengan pemerintah Indonesia.Nah kalau begitu kemauan mereka,maka pemerintah semestinya juga melibatkan semua komponen masyarakat Papua ,dan tidak hanya melibatkan para pejabat daerah propinsi papua dan Papua Baratnya saja.

Indonesia loses its bragging rights

 Thursday, January 12, 2012 

For years now, Indonesia has been basking in its status as the world's third-largest democracy after India and the United States.  Indonesian officials never miss a chance to cite it in speeches at home and abroad, and it is not a claim that they make arbitrarily.

This description of Indonesia is one that you can often find today in international news reports and literature. It is an honor given in recognition of the country's success in making the transition to democracy over the last decade or so, since the country began its political reforms in 1998 after more than three decades of authoritarian rule under President Suharto.

Indonesia should rightly take pride in making the grade in such a short time. In the wake of the Arab Spring in 2011, many have even pointed to Indonesia as a model for building democracy in predominantly Muslim nations in the Middle East and North Africa. Indonesia is showing at least that Islam and democracy can be compatible.

After four presidents and three general elections, this country with more than 240 million people today has a functioning democracy. In Freedom House's Map of Freedom 2010, Indonesia is the only Southeast Asian country assigned the color of green (signifying free), along with other countries in the region including Australia, India, Japan and South Korea, and in contrast to the yellow (partly free) and blue (not free) that color much of Asia.

That claim to a functioning democracy, however, may soon no longer be apt.

That is not, of course, because China is about to enter the rank of world's largest democracies, which would automatically downgrade Indonesia into fourth position. (Though wouldn't that be something?) Nor it is because the country with the world's largest Muslim population is about to become a theocratic Sharia state governed by a bunch of mullahs. (That's not going to happen, either.) The point is that Indonesia is failing to live up to some of the basic ideals that make a democracy.

While free speech is still kicking and very much alive (officials would often describe Indonesia to visitors as a very noisy democracy), and free and fair elections at national and local levels are now regular features of the political agenda, Indonesia is backsliding on its democratic commitment and coming up short in two aspects that are essential to democracy: law enforcement and religious freedom.

The death of three protesters in Bima on Sumbawa Island in clashes with police during a demonstration against the operation of an Australian mining company in December came as something of a shock to a nation that had assumed that such fatalities only happened under Suharto, certainly not in a democracy where free speech is guaranteed. What was even more shocking was the swift government response in defending the police action (in the name of enforcing the law, ironically enough), even before any independent investigation was launched.

The rulers' old mindset of dealing with protesters from the bygone Suharto era is apparently back. Some would argue that it never left in the first place. The use of live ammunition instead of rubber bullets and other less deadly methods in dealing with protesters appears to be part of the police's standard operating procedures once again.

The Bima tragedy came on the heels of a report of scores of fatalities in clashes over a land dispute between villagers and a plantation company in southern Sumatra. The police also came under strong criticisms because officers deployed to keep the two conflicting sides apart were held directly responsible for some of the deaths among the villagers.

In the easternmost province of Papua, police violently broke up a peaceful gathering of about 5,000 Papuans the moment they declared independence from the Republic and raised Papua'sMorning Star flag, a nationalist symbol, in October. At least five Papuans were killed in the province's capital of Jayapura, but in the absence of any independent investigation the circumstances of their deaths can only be the subject of speculation. The government has defended the police action against what it saw as an act of treason.

Free speech for Papuans apparently does not go as far as expressing their wishes for an independent state, although such sentiments have been openly expressed by people in other parts of the country without inviting swift police reprisals. In 2010, for example, the people of the province of Yogyakarta in Central Java loudly demanded that the central government maintain their special status as the only sultanate in the republic. Predominantly Hindu Bali also once openly threatened to leave the Republic when conservative Muslims tried to force through an anti-pornography law that would have effectively barred forms the use of bathing suits for tourists visiting the island as well as a variety of forms of artistic expression, including paintings, sculpture and dance.

One would have wished that police could have been as firm and swift in dealing with the radical Islamic groups that have been taunting religious minorities. Instead, we increasingly find that law enforcement is sorely lacking or ineffective when it comes to protecting freedom of religion, a basic right guaranteed by the constitution.

Official statistics show that 88 percent of the people are Muslims, mostly of the moderate and tolerant Sunni brand, while the rest is made up of Christians, Hindus, Buddhists and followers of indigenous faiths. Peaceful coexistence between followers of these different faiths is therefore important to keep the nation together. This state of affairs, however, is increasingly undermined by the action of radical Islamic groups, while the state has been doing very little to protect the religious minorities.

In late December, the tiny Indonesian Shiite community became the latest victim when its school complex on Madura Island, east of Java, was vandalized. Typically enough, the police intervention consisted mainly of escorting the Shiites out to safety, giving the crowd of hooligans who had massed outside a free hand to raze the property.

To be sure, no casualties resulted, but the police failure to protect the property left a sour taste in the mouths of Shiite followers. It also fueled anxiety among other religious minorities about the kind of protection they can count on from the state.

What happened on Madura appears to have become police standard procedure in dealing with mobs of radical Islamic groups bent on harassing religious minorities. It had happened before with the Ahmadis, and it had happened with Christians, the largest among the religious minorities. The one time the Ahmadis refused to leave the compound in Cikeusik in West Java in February last year, three of its followers were bludgeoned to death by the mob. When the case was brought to trial, one of the Ahmadis was given a six-month jail term for not cooperating with the police and therefore "inciting" the violence against the mob in the first place. Six of the attackers, by contrast, received three-month jail terms, mostly for possession of sharp weapons.

Not surprisingly, given the state's action, or inaction, the radical Islamic groups have become even more emboldened in recent years. If they got away once, they rightly assume they would get away again, and again, and again. Each attack becomes even more daring and violent than the last one.

Where Indonesia is heading, given the ineffective law enforcement and the lack of protection for religious minorities, only God knows (excuse the pun). One thing for sure is that its claim as one of the freest and democratic nations in Asia, as so often painted by Freedom House and others, is no longer tenable unless it resolves these basic issues of more effective law enforcement and protection of religious minorities.

Indonesia loses its bragging rights

 Thursday, January 12, 2012 

For years now, Indonesia has been basking in its status as the world's third-largest democracy after India and the United States.  Indonesian officials never miss a chance to cite it in speeches at home and abroad, and it is not a claim that they make arbitrarily.

This description of Indonesia is one that you can often find today in international news reports and literature. It is an honor given in recognition of the country's success in making the transition to democracy over the last decade or so, since the country began its political reforms in 1998 after more than three decades of authoritarian rule under President Suharto.

Indonesia should rightly take pride in making the grade in such a short time. In the wake of the Arab Spring in 2011, many have even pointed to Indonesia as a model for building democracy in predominantly Muslim nations in the Middle East and North Africa. Indonesia is showing at least that Islam and democracy can be compatible.

After four presidents and three general elections, this country with more than 240 million people today has a functioning democracy. In Freedom House's Map of Freedom 2010, Indonesia is the only Southeast Asian country assigned the color of green (signifying free), along with other countries in the region including Australia, India, Japan and South Korea, and in contrast to the yellow (partly free) and blue (not free) that color much of Asia.

That claim to a functioning democracy, however, may soon no longer be apt.

That is not, of course, because China is about to enter the rank of world's largest democracies, which would automatically downgrade Indonesia into fourth position. (Though wouldn't that be something?) Nor it is because the country with the world's largest Muslim population is about to become a theocratic Sharia state governed by a bunch of mullahs. (That's not going to happen, either.) The point is that Indonesia is failing to live up to some of the basic ideals that make a democracy.

While free speech is still kicking and very much alive (officials would often describe Indonesia to visitors as a very noisy democracy), and free and fair elections at national and local levels are now regular features of the political agenda, Indonesia is backsliding on its democratic commitment and coming up short in two aspects that are essential to democracy: law enforcement and religious freedom.

The death of three protesters in Bima on Sumbawa Island in clashes with police during a demonstration against the operation of an Australian mining company in December came as something of a shock to a nation that had assumed that such fatalities only happened under Suharto, certainly not in a democracy where free speech is guaranteed. What was even more shocking was the swift government response in defending the police action (in the name of enforcing the law, ironically enough), even before any independent investigation was launched.

The rulers' old mindset of dealing with protesters from the bygone Suharto era is apparently back. Some would argue that it never left in the first place. The use of live ammunition instead of rubber bullets and other less deadly methods in dealing with protesters appears to be part of the police's standard operating procedures once again.

The Bima tragedy came on the heels of a report of scores of fatalities in clashes over a land dispute between villagers and a plantation company in southern Sumatra. The police also came under strong criticisms because officers deployed to keep the two conflicting sides apart were held directly responsible for some of the deaths among the villagers.

In the easternmost province of Papua, police violently broke up a peaceful gathering of about 5,000 Papuans the moment they declared independence from the Republic and raised Papua'sMorning Star flag, a nationalist symbol, in October. At least five Papuans were killed in the province's capital of Jayapura, but in the absence of any independent investigation the circumstances of their deaths can only be the subject of speculation. The government has defended the police action against what it saw as an act of treason.

Free speech for Papuans apparently does not go as far as expressing their wishes for an independent state, although such sentiments have been openly expressed by people in other parts of the country without inviting swift police reprisals. In 2010, for example, the people of the province of Yogyakarta in Central Java loudly demanded that the central government maintain their special status as the only sultanate in the republic. Predominantly Hindu Bali also once openly threatened to leave the Republic when conservative Muslims tried to force through an anti-pornography law that would have effectively barred forms the use of bathing suits for tourists visiting the island as well as a variety of forms of artistic expression, including paintings, sculpture and dance.

One would have wished that police could have been as firm and swift in dealing with the radical Islamic groups that have been taunting religious minorities. Instead, we increasingly find that law enforcement is sorely lacking or ineffective when it comes to protecting freedom of religion, a basic right guaranteed by the constitution.

Official statistics show that 88 percent of the people are Muslims, mostly of the moderate and tolerant Sunni brand, while the rest is made up of Christians, Hindus, Buddhists and followers of indigenous faiths. Peaceful coexistence between followers of these different faiths is therefore important to keep the nation together. This state of affairs, however, is increasingly undermined by the action of radical Islamic groups, while the state has been doing very little to protect the religious minorities.

In late December, the tiny Indonesian Shiite community became the latest victim when its school complex on Madura Island, east of Java, was vandalized. Typically enough, the police intervention consisted mainly of escorting the Shiites out to safety, giving the crowd of hooligans who had massed outside a free hand to raze the property.

To be sure, no casualties resulted, but the police failure to protect the property left a sour taste in the mouths of Shiite followers. It also fueled anxiety among other religious minorities about the kind of protection they can count on from the state.

What happened on Madura appears to have become police standard procedure in dealing with mobs of radical Islamic groups bent on harassing religious minorities. It had happened before with the Ahmadis, and it had happened with Christians, the largest among the religious minorities. The one time the Ahmadis refused to leave the compound in Cikeusik in West Java in February last year, three of its followers were bludgeoned to death by the mob. When the case was brought to trial, one of the Ahmadis was given a six-month jail term for not cooperating with the police and therefore "inciting" the violence against the mob in the first place. Six of the attackers, by contrast, received three-month jail terms, mostly for possession of sharp weapons.

Not surprisingly, given the state's action, or inaction, the radical Islamic groups have become even more emboldened in recent years. If they got away once, they rightly assume they would get away again, and again, and again. Each attack becomes even more daring and violent than the last one.

Where Indonesia is heading, given the ineffective law enforcement and the lack of protection for religious minorities, only God knows (excuse the pun). One thing for sure is that its claim as one of the freest and democratic nations in Asia, as so often painted by Freedom House and others, is no longer tenable unless it resolves these basic issues of more effective law enforcement and protection of religious minorities.

Police-related crimes are down — but not far enough

Ina Parlina, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Tue, 01/03/2012 9:53 AM

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First Brig. Simson Jones Sipayung is paying a high price for beating a 15-year-old boy who allegedly stole a fellow police officer’s sandals.

The boy, identified as A.A.L., is currently on trial and faces a possible five-year prison term for the theft of the Rp 35,000 (US$4) pair of sandals.

The Central Sulawesi Police suspended Sipayung’s promotion for one year and a police disciplinary board sentenced Sipayung to 21 days’ incarceration for “undermining police integrity”.

Separately, the Central Java Police recently dismissed 16 officers for various violations including drug use, robbery, violence and desertion. It recorded 505 public complaints in 2011, a significant increase over 262 complaints in 2010.

Observers deemed the immediate reaction to the involvement of officers in criminal acts as a good sign that the police were working to improve their already tarnished image. 

National Police chief Gen. Timur Pradopo said the number of police officers involved in violent and criminal acts was down in 2011, adding that the penalties levied on officers reflected “a commitment from the police as law enforcers and public servants to provide a good example”.

However, Al Araf, the program director of human rights watchdog Imparsial, said the decrease did not reflect progress, but instead confirmed existing systemic problems within the police.

“Giving impunity to violating officers creates a space for new violence,” he said. “Timur’s leadership has also shown the militaristic face of the police.”

Al Araf also slammed the police for the slow pace of reform. 

“The poor welfare of these officers also triggers problems,” he added.

The budget for the National Police will increase by 10 percent in 2012, up from the Rp 31.6 trillion budget last year. Ninety percent of the budget will go for operations and for the salaries of 300,000 officers nationwide,

Timur originally said that the National Police would have a 7.9 percent increase in its budget this year.

Al Araf said that the violations were examples of how easy it was for police officers to abuse their authority with civilians.

“Do not forget: You can see police violence most apparent in three cases, namely religious freedom issues, agrarian conflicts and Papuan conflicts,” he said on Monday. “They are supposed to be independent, but they have failed.”

Al Araf attributed the failure to a police bias “toward rulers, private companies or those with money or even the majority”.

The National Police has been under the spotlight since late last year for alleged involvement of officers in several human rights violations, including a deadly clash in Bima, West Nusa Tenggara. 

Five police officers, along with 56 residents, were named suspects in a clash between protesters and authorities in Bima on Dec. 24, 2011, when two residents were killed as police fired into a crowd of protesters.

The clash began when a number of residents, citing environmental concerns, demonstrated against the Bima administration by blocking the road to Sape port, demanding the revocation of a mining permit issued to PT Sumber Mineral Nusantara.

Earlier in October 2011, five Papuans were found dead after a violent crackdown by the police at the third Papua People’s Congress in Abepura. 

The five were allegedly beaten and shot by security officers.