Jumat, 24 Oktober 2014

TOLAK DEMO PEMBEBASAN JOURNALIST DENGAN 7 ALASAN POLDA PAPUA

Tolak Demo Pembebasan Jurnalis, Ini 7 Alasan Polda, Dinilai Murni Menutup Demokrasi

Diposting oleh TPN pada Minggu, 12 Oktober 2014

Foto: Surat Penolakan Kepolisian Indonesia/Dok. Ones Nesta Suhuniap


Buletin TPN, Nasional Papua Barat -- Polda Papua melalui direktur intelkam polda papua mengeluarkan surat balasan penolakan terhadap surat Pemberitahuan aksi demonstrasi (Demo) damai KNPB tentang pembebasan dua wartawan Asing asal Prancis, Thomas Dandois, Valentine Bourrat.

Surat penolakan pemberitahuan dengan No. B/63/X/2014/Dit-Intelkam. Perihal: Jawaban Surat Pemberitahuan Tidak Diterbitkannya STTP [Surat Tanda Terima Pemberitahuan].

Ada tujuh alasan penolakan surat pemberitahuan KNPB dengan No 0091.I/EX/SP/BPP-KNPB/X/2014.
Tujuh Alasan penolakan surat Pemberitahuan adalah:
1. Oraganisasi Komite Nasional Papua Barat (KNPB ) tidak terdaftar di Kesbangpol Provinsi Papua selaku pembina organisasi masyarakat di linggup provinsi Papua;
2. Kepala atau Kop Surat pemberitahuan KNPB menggunakan lambang atribut bintang kejora yang dilarang oleh Negara kesatuan Rebuplik indonesia dengan NO 77 tahun 2007;
3. Dari hasil Pantauan selama ini, setiap kegiatan aksi unjuk rasa atau demo yang dilaksanakan oleh kelompok KNPB (komite nasional Papua Barat ) selalu menyuarahkan aspirasi Papua Merdeka, hal ini bertentangan dengan undang-undang No. 9 Tahun 1998 pasal;
4. Cap atau stempel menggunakan Simbol-simbol papua merdeka yang dilarang oleh NKRI;

5. Sesuai dengan tugas Polri yang selaku pelindung, pengayom dan pelayanan masyarakat, maka kegiatan masyarakat serta kegiatan organisasi masyarakat (ormas ) akan mendaftarkan perlakukan yang sama;
6. sehubugan dengan penjelasan sebagaimana dimaksud di atas, maka rencana unjuk rasa yang akan dilakasanakan pada hari senin 13 oktober 2014 di kantor inmigrasi kelas I jayapura oleh KNPB berdasarkan undang-undang dan peraturan yang berlaku, Maka STT ( surat tanda terima Pemberitahuan ) tidak dapat diterbitkan atau ditolak;
7. Pelaku dan peserta pelaksana penyampaian pendapat di muka umum yang tidak mematuhi ketentuan perundang-uandangan yang berlaku serta melakukan perbuatan melaggar hukum dapat dikenakan sanksi hokum sesui dengan ketentuan peraturan perundang-undagan yang berlaku.
Pandangan KNPB agar rakyat tahu, sebagai berikut:
1. Alasan Polda untuk menolak surat pemberitahuan hanya upaya pembungkaman Ruang Demokrasi di Papua Barat. Karena, KNPB bukan organisasi baru melainkan oraganisasi perjuangan, sudah ada sebelum Indonesia ada di Papua yaitu KNP (Komite Nasional Papua). Namun, kini kita hanya menambakan huruf B, dikarenakan berdasarkan deklarasi manivesto Politik KNP pada tanggal 1 Desember 1961 mendeklarasikan nama Wilayah atau Negara yaitu Papua Barat sehingga KNP kini menjadi KNPB.

2. Alasan penolakan surat pemberitahuan KNPB oleh polda Papua pada Poin dua dan Poin 4 tentang lambang atau simbol bintang kejora berdasarkan No. 77, kami menilai bertentangan dengan undang–undang Tahun 2001 Otonomi khusus tentang simbol daerah, maka polda melanggar Undang-undang. Karena, Aceh bisa menggunakan lambang daerah sedangkan Papua Tidak. Seperti yang kita tahu bahwa sam-sama wilayah Otonomi.

3. Alasan penolakan pada poin tiga tentang kegiatan KNPB selalu melakukan aspirasi Papua Merdeka, kami KNPB menilai ini bertentagan dengan Undang-undang dasar 1945, alinea Pertama yaitu Kemerdekaan adalah Hak segala bangsa oleh Karena Itu, Polda Papua Melanggar UUD1945.
4. Alasan pada poin satu sesuatu yang tidak masuk akal karena KNPB bukan Baru lair hari ini. Tetapi, KNPB sudah ada sebelum NKRI ada di Papua yaitu kita kenal dalam sejarah bangsa Papua yaitu KNP (Komite Nasional Papua ).
Kita hanya menambahkan B atau Barat. Karena, berdasarkan deklarasi Manivesto Politik KNP Pada tanggal 1 Desember 1961 menyebutkan nama wilayah, nama negara, dan simbol lainya disebutkan bahwa Nama Negara dan Wilayah adalah Papua Barat. Dan hal itu suda diakui oleh Pemerinta kerajaan belanda, sampai saat ini masih berlaku. Karena, Orang Papua tidak pernah membubarkan KNP dan Dewan New Gunea Raad.

5. KNPB menilai surat Penolakan Pemberitahuan KNPB hanya upaya Pembungkaman ruang demokrasi di Papua Barat. Dan alasan Polda Papua tidak mendasar, maka KNPB akan tetap melakukan aksi demo damai. Karena, Indonesia Negara Demokrasi harus menjamin setiap pendapat dan Pandagan politik yang berbeda ada di Indonesia.

Oleh Karena itu, apa pun alasannya, KNPB tetap melakukan aksi Demo damai sesuai dengan rencana, alasan apa pun kami jelas.
Mau tangkap silakan, mau tembak sialhkan, kami tidak pernah mengakui Keberadaan Indonesia di Papua Barat, NKRI hanya Penjajah.

KNPB adalah medianya rakyat Papua Barat dan tetap mengikuti apa pun dari KNPB. (Admin/B-TPN)

Senin, 20 Oktober 2014

Q & A: Australia's Reaction to Arrest of French Journalists in West Papua

Q&A: Australia’s reaction to arrest of French journalists in West Papua

The Australian Senate passed a motion last week, with explicit support from the Foreign Minister’s office, expressing concern over the imprisonment of two French journalists for reporting in Indonesia’s…
The Australian government, by supporting a motion passed by the Senate, expressed concern over restrictions to press freedom in West Papua. AAP Image/Sue Wellwood
The Australian Senate passed a motion last week, with explicit support from the Foreign Minister’s office, expressing concern over the imprisonment of two French journalists for reporting in Indonesia’s restive province using tourist visas.
The motion notes that press freedom in West Papua, where a 50-year separatist movement exists, is “tightly restricted”. The Senate called for the Australian government to request Thomas Dandois and Valentine Bourrat’s release.
The following is an interview with Ross Tapsell.

How will Australia’s comment about press freedom in West Papua affect Australia-Indonesia relations?

Unfortunately I doubt the comment will mean much at a time like this. Just last week we saw numerous Australian media practitioners dismayed that Parliament passed tougher national security laws, which will have implications for journalists and whistle-blowers.
One case that has been cited that would have been affected by these new laws is the reporting of Australian government tapping of the Indonesian president and his wife’s phone. Earlier this year, Indonesian president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono called on the Australian government to stop suppressing details of a court case which involved him. Also, as others have already pointed out, Australia doesn’t allow journalists into Manus Island detention centre to talk to asylum seekers.
So while it is great that Australia stands up for greater access for foreign journalists in West Papua, we are hardly a beacon of light for media freedom at the moment. The Australian government has to practise what it preaches, otherwise it risks being seen as hypocritical.

What is the state of press freedom in West Papua for foreign journalists and how extraordinary is the case of Thomas Dandois and Valentine Bourrat?

West Papua is the only region in Indonesia where journalists need a special permit and clearance from officials in Jakarta.
The Indonesian government has a long history of restricting foreign press as well as other researchers and aid workers from accessing the region since it took the territory in 1963. For example, in June 1969, the Jakarta Foreign Correspondents Club lodged a protest with the Ministry of Information on the restriction on travel and entry of foreign press into West Papua, claiming the measures would have grave consequences for Indonesia’s image abroad and lend substance to doubts about the government’s approach to the region. The current situation for foreign media is, sadly, not new.
Some selected foreign journalists have received permission from Jakarta to report from West Papua, and they are almost always followed by intelligence agencies in the region. By my rough count, around ten Australian journalists have received permission to travel to the region since 2006.
Today, it is possible to go to many areas of the Papua provinces as a tourist. As such, many foreign journalists have entered on a tourist visa and reported from the region, as Dandois and Bourrat allegedly did. If caught and found to be there on a wrong visa, they are usually evicted from the region or sent home to their country. So it is extraordinary that these French journalists have been in jail for this amount of time.
This is also very poor public relations management of the situation by the Indonesian government. The longer the journalists are in jail the more likely international attention will be drawn to this story and Indonesia’s image will continue to be tarnished.

How should the new Indonesian president, Joko Widodo, deal with this case?

The French journalists should be released from jail in Papua and sent home. This would be consistent with previous actions taken by the Indonesian government.
Joko Widodo has said that once he is president he will consult widely with Papuans who are looking to improve the situation in their region. Obviously all advocates of media freedom (including myself) would like to see more openness in the region, including for both foreign and local media.
It is important to remember that many local Papuan journalists face threats and intimidation from security forces on a regular basis simply for doing their job. It is difficult for them to report on issues involving local politicians, human rights and the role of security forces in the region. There are numerous stories that simply can’t be published in the local press. So let’s not forget local journalists, and more broadly the restrictions on freedom of expression in the Papua provinces.
Certainly, ending the visa restrictions for foreign journalists is a good place for Widodo to start.

BERITA KORBAN KEMANUSIAAN

 BERITA KORBAN KEMANUSIAAN

 

Nasom Simofiaref (umur 43 tahun, agamanya Kristen Protestan, laki-laki) adalah warga asal Papua. Dia ditembak aparat keamanan yang bertugas di Tanah Papua. Jenasahnya ditemukan setelah ditembak mati.
Cara penambakannya sangat sadis. Dia dibunuh tanpa alasan oleh aparat keamanan yang bertugas di sana. Saya baru dapat foto korban ini.

Bukan lagi jamannya untuk menyembunyikan segala kelakuan aparat keamanan Indonesia di tanah Papua. Negara Indonesia harus bertanggung jawab nyawa dan segala korban manusia mulai tahun 1963-2014. Mereka harus bertanggung jawab di dunia ini dan di surga.................................. ...

Apakah Indonesia mampu bertanggung jawab atas pengorbanan manusia Papua..................................................?????????????????????????



Peace

H


Senin, 21 Juli 2014

WEST PAPUA ACTIVISTS PROTEST IN DARWIN AHEAD OF INDONESIA PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION


West Papua activists protest in Darwin ahead of Indonesian presidential election



7 July 2014
As Darwin's Indonesian community heads to the polls, Free West Papua protestors have demonstrated outside the Indonesian consulate.
Free West Papua protestors have demonstrated outside the Indonesian consulate in Darwin as the Northern Territory's Indonesian community went to the polls.
The group, Territorians for a Free West Papua, says it was protesting in support of Papuans fighting for their independence from 51 years of Indonesian rule.
Activists say the protest was about more than supporting the Papuans' right for independence from Indonesian rule.
They say there are reports of the Indonesian military threatening Papuans who boycott the presidential election.
"The ramifications already have been four killed two days ago and 42 arrests," activist Cindy Watson said.
The Darwin spokesman for Australians for a Free West Papua, Rob Wesley-Smith, says the concerns of protesters need to be raised.
"People voting today, they should bear in mind what's going on in West Papua and the role that has been played by one of the presidential candidates, Prabowo," he said.
The activists say neither presidential hopeful will deliver self-determination for the Papua region.
"West Papua is like East Timor a few years ago, they haven't got their freedom, they're being slaughtered," Mr Wesley-Smith said.
The Indonesian Consulate's election chairperson, Ferdi Mauboy, has rejected the comments.
"Learn that Indonesia is Papua, West Papua is part of Indonesia, I don't know of any struggle."
For the Indonesians in Darwin, the election and the chance to vote from Australia is significant.
Voters were unfazed by the presence of the protesters, as they walked through the gates of the Indonesian consulate in Darwin to cast their vote.
The protesters say they're not trying to influence voters and cast no blame whatsoever on the Indonesian people.
The votes of about seven hundred Indonesians in Darwin will be counted with the 188 million votes expected in Wednesday's election.

WEST PAPUA: EVIDENCE OF DEATH SQUADS EMERGE


West Papua: Evidence of death squads emerge


Press Release – West Papua Media Alerts
Evidence of death squads emerge after Youtefa market riot sparked by corrupt police shakedown of gamblersEvidence of death squads emerge after Youtefa market riot sparked by corrupt police shakedown of gamblers
July 15, 2014
In-depth Investigation from West Papua Media team, our stringers in Jayapura and local sources
•Riot erupted after corrupt Police attempt shakedown of gambling den
•Weapons seized from police by gangsters, who have mysteriously “disappeared”
•Three dead civilians had nothing to do with gambling: witnesses
•Three dead civilians allegedly targeted by security forces because of Yali tribal membership.
•Another story of savagery from Indonesian security forces
Evidence has emerged of a savage and potentially premeditated hunt of highland students by Indonesian security forces in Abepura on July 2 after the stabbing death of a police officer sparked an allegedly brutal dispersal of civilians by security forces. Three civilians and an Indonesian police officer were killed around the Youtefa market in Abepura after a failed attempt at a shakedown by corrupt police on a gambling ring degenerated into a riot.
Full transparency of the events leading to the riot and behaviour by police in bringing it under control has been hard to verify, however eyewitness testimony gathered by West Papua Media (WPM) stringers have yielded new information that alleges death squads were operating simultaneously to the riot, targeting three students from a single tribal group who were uninvolved with the riot.
Over twenty innocent people were also taken into custody on July 2, after hundreds of uniformed and plainclothes security forces arrested civilians and beat bystanders, Papuan shoppers and particularly civilians from the Highlands, with many sustaining injuries, after unidentified persons in the crowd of gamblers earlier attacked and fatally stabbed the Indonesian police officer, and beat up his partner.
Eyewitness evidence has also confirmed that three young Yali men, Demi Kepno, Sabusek Kabak, and Yenias Wandikbo were beaten and killed well away from the riot and dispersal, by plain clothes police and Kopassus special forces soldiers. This is despite clear evidence that none of the victims were involved in either the gambling, or the subsequent riot.
The violence had its immediate roots in a daily illegal game of dice (Judi Dadu) played in an Indonesian gangster (preman) run gambling den at Pasar Youtefa, by a mixed crowd of over 100 Papuan and Indonesian colonist gamblers. According to witnesses interviewed by a West Papua Media stringer, the dice gambling rings are part of an informal industry that served to provide daily living income for its organisers, but was usually tolerated by local police in return for a cut of proceedings to supplement their police salary.
Indonesian military and police have a long history of running highly lucrative illegal gambling operations on everything from raffles to chicken, dog and human fighting, to premiere movie tickets. Gamblers and street thugs lured to the easy money are often recruited as the muscle behind preman organisation Pemuda Pancasila, a Kopassus proxy militia front that had thrown its weight behind the Prabowo Presidential Election campaign, casting a dark shadow of fear over Papua over recent weeks.
Just after 3.30pm local time on July 2, Police Brigadiers (equivalent to Chief Sergeant) Asriadi and Samsul Huda from Abepura’s Tanah Hitam motorcycle unit, were conducting their allegedly corrupt daily shakedown rounds to demand protection money (tax) from stallholders when they arrived at the Judi venue. It is still unknown why the officers decided to shakedown this particular venue given that preman and police usually have a sophisticated and lucrative system of payoffs.
Gamblers reported that the two police officers walked into the venue without paying admission, angering the Indonesian colonist doorman, whereupon the police drew weapons and demanded that all present (including Papuan and colonist spectators) pay a flat rate “tax” to the police.
Witnesses claimed that the two officers and a customer began arguing after some gamblers refuse to hand over any money, saying they were tired of being shaken down. One witness claimed that the “preman” (gangster) manager of the venue pushed the police officer, complaining that protection money had already been paid to a higher ranking officer, and the shakedown would be reported. The officer Asriadi then smacked another gambler, the relatives of whom retaliated by seizing his rifle and throwing chairs, bottles and other objects at the fleeing officers. None of these claims could be independently verified by WPM.
Unverified reports also claim that all the gamblers, both Papuan and Indonesian, then chased the officers through the markets. An Indonesian colonist trader named Herman told the Jakarta Post that Brig Asriadi tripped, and “was mobbed and stabbed by the gamblers.”
Claims that the rioters had stoned the officers to death remain unverified and only alleged by Indonesian colonist traders. No Papuan witnesses could be found to confirm the claims independently of the official police version.
The commotion and cries for help from the bashed police were immediately responded to by over a hundred armed police, Brimob and members of the Australian trained counter-terror squad Detachment 88, according to witnesses who described how large groups of armed men came running from every direction within seconds of the initial chase. They in turn were joined by over 50 plain clothes intelligence, police and military, including scores of Kopassus ojek riders, in seizing and beating large groups of civilians randomly, including traders and shoppers.
Reports remain unconfirmed whether security forces opened fire directly on bystanders at the markets or fired into the air, but many gunshots were heard by various witnesses, causing Papuan civilians to flee from the area. Nine Papuan gamblers were taken into custody as suspects, however the perpetrators of the fatal beating and those who had seized weapons were allowed to escape by security forces. In addition, police and plain clothes agents arrested a further 14 Papuan bystanders, who were uninvolved in the affray. All apart from the nine were released by police late that night, most having sustained injuries from their beatings. The status of the nine Papuan gamblers who were undergoing interrogation through to the weekend were unable to be ascertained at time of writing.
The violence occurred as Papuans in Jayapura were on edge, as arbitrary arrests, shootings and unprovoked beatings on civilians by security forces intensified ahead of the July 9 Indonesian presidential election. Many Papuan civil society and pro-independence groups joined a boycott call challenging the legitimacy of Indonesia’s colonial regime. The boycott was met with calls from the Indonesian military commander in Papua, Maj-General Christian Zebua, to “shoot dead any person” distributing election boycott materials – a threat which had materialised throughout the Land of Papua.
Arbitrary murders
The deaths of the three young Papuan students, at a time when Indonesian police are almost exclusively targeting Yali student and civil resistance activists (who make up the bulk of the membership of the West Papua National Committee) in a nationwide crackdown on freedom of expression, will only reinforce perceptions of a premeditated Indonesian security force campaign to eradicate Papua of Yali people. “The TNI hate the Yali with a passion, as this is the tribe that Benny Wenda is from,” an observer told WPM during the investigation, referring to the high profile UK-based leader of the Free West Papua Campaign.
Certainly members of the families of the dead agree that their dead children and brothers are being unfairly targeted.
Sabusek Kabak (24) was a university student from the Yali village of Porongkoli in Yahukimo Papua. He passed through the Youtefa market at 8.00am from the Kilometre 9 post at Koya and continued on to the GKI Church students Hostel Liborang in Padang Bulan.
According to interviews with his younger brother Wemen, friends and witnesses, at 3.30pm on July 2 Sabusek went again to Youtefa, planning to return to Kilo 9 with Wemen. After arriving at the Youtefa market he and his younger sibling didn’t have enough money to pay for the taxi back to Koya and went to look for a friend to borrow some money for their transport home.
As they were looking for taxi money, the riot broke out at the market. Some ran and there was the sound of gunfire, but Sabusek and Wemen were confused. Sabusek and Wemen agreed to go together and seek protection at the Bank of Papua at the Youtefa market, without realising that there were “preman”plainclothed police manning a roadblock outside the bank.
They were then confronted and surrounded by the preman who were armed with sharp knives, machetes, and pistols, when Sabusek pushed his young brother behind him and told him to escape. A transmigrant trader hid Wemen in their kiosk, however the preman police caught up and stabbed Sabusek with a bayonet through the heart, killing him instantly. Wemen and the trader witnessed the killing, as the preman walked away and left Sabusek’s body there. A woman from Biak, unknown to Wemen, told the migrant who had helped Wemen escape, “That is my child. Come my dear child let’s go home”. She then took Wemen to the protection of a Church hostel.
Sabusek’s body was not picked up by Police until the morning of 3 July 2014 by Police, who took his body to the Bhayangkara Hospital. The Kabak family were initially prevented from retrieving Sabusek’s body, and were forced to return with the Abepura Police Chief and District Head so the family could take the body. He was buried on 4 July 2014 at the public cemetery in Tanah Hitam, Abepura at 3.00pm by his family.
The Kabak family have demanded that the Papuan Police be held accountable for Sabusek Kabak’s death, and that there be an immediate arrest of those responsible and they face the process of law in the immediate future.
Unprovoked Savagery
Neither was the second victim involved in any form of opposition action against the police, yet he was savagely beaten until dead. Before the riot at the Youtefa market started, Yenias Wandikbo, a 20 year old Yali student, had been drinking alcohol together and relaxing with a friend during that day at the Engros Beach, until they ran out of drink in the early afternoon. Yenias and his friend then headed home from Engros via to the Youtefa market. In going there they reached the front of the YAMAS campus still unaware that there was a problem at the market, where they separated because of the everyday threat posed by security forces when buying alcoholYenias stumbled upon the riot area and straight into an ambush of plainclothes Indonesian preman – believed to be Kopassus soldiers by witnesses due to the impunity in which they moved. These preman then caught, beat and killed Yenias, witnessed by many in broad daylight less than one hundred metres away from the Youtefa market.
Yenias was beaten about the head with such extreme force that his brow, nose area, and rear of his skull was split apart. After Yenias was killed, his body was taken by the police to the Bhayangkara Hospital, where it was held until 3.20pm on July 4. Yenias’ family took him home to Nayak Hostel in Abepura, in order to transport his body to be taken back to Wamena.
Extrajudicial Execution
Demi Kepno, a 24 year old Engineering Student of Yali origin from Abenah District, Yalimo, was killed after being abducted by police in Abepura, at the same instance as the gambling ring was being broken up in Youtefa market, but some distance away from the market.
As with the two other victims, When Demi Kepno, together with several friends heard about the incident at the old market, they avoided returning to their homes. Demi was called by his girlfriend – who it emerged was working as an intelligence agent – who wanted to meet with him, and he went to meet her in front of the Multi Crosir supermarket. Demi’s girlfriend ordered him to get in a black Avanza vehicle, without any idea he was getting in a car with plainclothes security forces
Demi was brought to the Yanmor Police station in Tanah Hitam just above Abepura, where he was interrogated by fully armed anti-terror police. He managed to escape from the Police station, fleeing in the direction of Tanah Hitam Mountain. The police and plainclothes agents gave chase and Demi entered a house of a Butonese migrant, which was surrounded and searched by police, cornering Demi around 5.15pm local time, according to witnesses interviewed by WPM’s stringer. Demi allegedly picked up a beam of wood in self-defence as police opened fire on him, hitting him in the abdomen. However, the gunshots did not kill him, so the plainclothes agents were seen to repeatedly stab Demi in the chest and neck with a bayonet, until he was dead.
His body was taken to the Bhayangkara Hospital, and the victim’s family took the body away at 4.35pm the following day to the family home at Tanah Hitam, and was buried in Abepura at the public cemetery on 5 July 2014.
Indonesian police in Abepura and Jayapura refused several attempts by WPMto provide a response to these allegations.

MUSICIANS HELP WEST PAPUA


Musicians help West Papua




Date, July 2, 2014: A diverse line-up of local musicians will be playing at The Wine Cellar and Whammy Bar on Friday in a show of solidarity with West Papua's struggle.
The concert will feature SJD, Mara TK, Tourettes, The Bads, Reb Fountain and Loud Ghost, among others.
West Papua is currently under control of the Indonesian government and the gig is hoping to raise awareness of the gross human rights violations the indigenous people have reportedly suffered there.
West Papua is an island province that shares the island of New Guinea with the people of independent Papua New Guinea.
"The West Papuan resistance is now largely a peaceful struggle; a David and Goliath contest in which our solidarity can help to tip the balance," NZ West Papua Solidarity activist Maire Leadbeater says.
"West Papuan people need international support to push for a peaceful dialogue with Indonesia."
The Melanesian island has a population of about 760,000 people.
"I didn't know West Papua existed until I got invited to play for its freedom," musician Reb Fountain says.
Funds raised from the show will go towards the expenses to bring West Papuan journalist and human rights advocate Victor Mambor to New Zealand.
Freedom for West Papua, The Wine Cellar St Kevins Arcade, July 4. Tickets are $15 on the door.

Minggu, 15 Juni 2014

SICA SUPPORT FREEDOM FOR WEST PAPUA PEOPLE


SICA supports freedom for West Papua people

CHURCHES in the Solomon Islands have agreed to actively support the struggle for political independence of the people of West Papua.
The call comes a week before Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono attends the Pacific Islands Development Forum Summit in Denarau, Fiji.

“We in the Solomon Islands have heard the cries of the people of West Papua and we commit to advocating for their inherent right to gainful political self-determination and true freedom,” said Father Peter Houhou, Vicar-General of the Anglican Archdiocese of Honiara.

The re-articulation of this commitment to West Papua’s political self-determination by the church meeting is aligned with the mandate adopted by the Pacific Conference of Churches General Assembly – in the same meeting complex last year.

The assembly called on all Pacific churches to advocate the freedoms of peoples still under colonial rule in the Pacific.

“Whilst we in the Solomon Islands need to embark again on a journey to rethinking our own self-determination, we make this statement in recognition of our moral responsibility to heed the cries of our brothers and sisters in West Papua who are struggling for justice on a daily basis,” Fr Houhou said..

Two weeks ago Solomon Islands church leaders learned that the Churches must continue to exercise without fear, its prophetic role in ‘speaking truth to power’, and in reclaiming this voice, stand up to  defend, affirm and announce its solidarity with all peoples who suffer mightily under colonial oppression.

Reverend Wilfred Kurepitu, Moderator of the United Church in Solomon Islands (UCSI) called on churches to do their duty.

“It is the moral duty of the church to counter oppressive regimes of authority and to actively engage the struggle for justice, freedom and peace.
“We are hereby called, not only to wish freedom on people that remain under colonial rule, but to actively work in striving for all  oppressed people’s freedom, which also includes our brothers and sisters in Kanaky (New Caledonia) and Maohi Nui (French Polynesia),” he said.

In applauding its Government’s support in sponsoring Maohi Nui’s (French Polynesia) re-inscription onto the UN Decolonization List last year, churches in the Solomon Islands called on government to urgently show similar support to West Papua’s struggle for political independence, and in solidarity with the example set by the Government of the Republic of Vanuatu.

The workshop on Rethinking the Household of God in the Solomon Islands took place June 2-3 and was jointly organised by the Anglican Church of Melanesia (ACOM) and the Pacific Conference of Churches.

Source: PCC

SOLVING CONFLICT IN PAPUA, SOUTH MOLUSCCAS


Solving Conflict in Papua, South Moluccas

Women selling fruits and vegetables at a street market in Timika, Papua. (JG Photo/Jurnasyanto Sukarno)
Women selling fruits and vegetables at a street market in Timika, Papua. (JG Photo/Jurnasyanto Sukarno)
Jakarta. This year’s presidential election has roused Indonesia’s young, vibrant democracy in ways no previous vote has done before. As the two-candidate race is getting closer, it captivates millions at home and abroad.
But as the republic seems to flourish, freedoms seen as fundamental to a functioning democracy are continuously denied across the archipelago. Whether this will change under either Joko Widodo, commonly known as Jokowi, or Prabowo Subianto remains to be seen.
Indonesia’s easternmost provinces of West Papua and Papua have long seen a low-level insurgency by the Free Papua Movement (OPM) and other armed groups who have fought for independence since 1963.
In the Maluku province, composed of the southern Moluccan islands and centered on Ambon, there is a history of small protests to re-establish the Republic of the South Moluccas (RMS), which was crushed by Indonesian forces in 1963.
Both movements are known for their wide usage of two banned symbols: the Benang Raja, or “rainbow” flag of the RMS in Maluku, and the “Morning Star” flag of the formerly independent West Papua in Papua.
Many peaceful protesters raise these flags as a symbol of nonviolent resistance to the Indonesian state, yet they are prosecuted under anti-terror laws because the authorities view their actions as separatist activities. This is a violation of freedom of expression, which a democracy should guarantee.
Articles 106 and 107 of the Indonesian criminal code set a punishment of life imprisonment or a maximum of 20 years in jail for “attempt[s] undertaken with intent to bring the territory of the state wholly or partially under foreign domination or to separate part thereof” and for “attempt[s] undertaken with the intent to cause a revolution.”
On June 23, 2010, Human Rights Watch (HRW) released a report on the imprisonment of over 100 peaceful political demonstrators in Indonesian prisons in Java, Maluku and Papua.
The report accuses members of the Indonesian Military (TNI), the National Police, and the police’s counter-terrorism wing Densus 88 of torturing protesters who raised the illegal flags during the independence anniversaries of the defunct West Papuan and South Moluccan republics.
The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention issued its legal opinion in 2011 that the police’s arrest of Papuan political activist Filep Karma in 2004, for raising the Morning Star flag, constituted a violation of international law.
“The UN group believes Indonesian courts do not proportionally interpret the written law,” Indonesian human rights journalist Andreas Harsono told the Jakarta Globe on Thursday. “Most of these prisoners are in jail for treason, they are not violent and not a serious threat at all.”
When asked about the HRW report’s accusation of police torture, National Police spokesman Boy Rafil Amar said “the police in Papua and Maluku are working based on standard operating procedures.”
“The police is working based on the law against separatist activity,” he added. “They are against Indonesian law so we just investigate based on Indonesian law.”
While armed groups such as the OPM do pose a military threat, Andreas believes that the flag-raisers pose “no threat at all towards Indonesian sovereignty.”
Of 197 UN members, Vanuatu alone recognizes West Papua as a separate country, after passing a recognition bill two years ago. Indonesia’s embassy in Canberra, which is also accredited to Vanuatu, was not available for comment.
Joko is the only presidential candidate in Indonesian history to have visited Papua during a campaign, having visited the province last week.
He announced that, if elected, he would lift restrictions dating back to 1963 that deny foreign journalists, diplomats, and non-governmental organizations entry to the restive region.
“This is positive because it has widened the debate on the elections, involving not only the more populous regions of Indonesia but also the least populous,” Andreas said. “Electorally, South Maluku and Papua only have 5 million voters.”
Outgoing President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono also promised to remove restrictions on foreign media in Papua, yet nothing has changed under his administration. In 2007, he passed the 77/2007 presidential decree that made lifting the RMS or Morning Star flags a crime punishable by life in prison.
“Those opposed to opening up Papua are military intelligence,” Andreas said. “The military, police, and intelligence have their own self-interest in Papua, they want promotions, a ladder to climb to a better career.”
“An area within Indonesia can only be closed if there is an emergency, but there is no emergency in Papua,” he added. “Some high ranking government officials told me they agree Papua should be opened up, but they cannot make this decision by themselves because they need the NGOs and the media to educate the public and put pressure on the military.”
A spokesperson for the military was not available for comment.
The Free West Papua Campaign is a pro-independence movement led by Benny Wenda, who organizes the group’s activities from abroad. It opened offices in the United Kingdom and the Netherlands last year, and another in Perth two months ago.
A spokesperson from the Australian Embassy in Jakarta told the Jakarta Globe that while the Australian government was aware of the office’s existence, it had no involvement in its opening and that its “long-standing position on Indonesia’s Papuan provinces is that it unreservedly recognizes Indonesia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.”
On April 25 this year, Maluku Police arrested Simon Saiya, the Ambon-based leader of the Maluku Sovereignty Front (FKM), an outlawed separatist organization headed by Alexander Manuputty, who is in exile in the United States.
Simon had been wanted since 2007, when his followers unfurled an RMS flags at a National Family Day celebration attended by Yudhoyono. The TNI and police arrested them, in line with the anti-terror laws.
Looking for signs
As human rights abuses continue in the run-up to the election, foreign and local analysts will be looking for signs from Joko or Prabowo that the situation will change under them.
Joko’s running-mate, former vice president Jusuf Kalla, has been touted by Indonesian politicians as a possible mediator for the Papua conflict, given his experience in negotiating peace accords in Aceh and the religious conflicts in Central Sulawesi and Maluku.
However, in a 2010 letter, OPM military leader Thadius Magai Yogi rejected Kalla as an intermediary, instead calling on international organizations to mediate an end to the conflict.
On the other hand, John Wattilete, president of the self-declared RMS government-in-exile in the Netherlands, told a Dutch newspaper in 2009 that he would be open to special autonomy for Maluku instead of outright independence.
Haris Azhar, chairman of the Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (Kontras), praised Joko’s approach, but noted that he has “people standing in his circle with a negative record” in regard to human rights and Papua.
Former president Megawati heads Joko’s party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), and is suspected by many Indonesians of controlling the Jakarta governor and presidential candidate from behind the scenes.
In 2003, she passed a law that divided Papua into three provinces, later reduced to two by a court ruling, and directly contradicted former president Wahid’s 2001 law granting special autonomy to Papua.
The measure, although popular in Papua’s far west for bringing in more government jobs, splintered the territorial unity that was intended to underpin the autonomy of Papua.
Joko’s rival Prabowo is often criticized for his alleged human rights violations in East Timor and Jakarta. Joko may be considered clean himself, but he is supported by several figures with histories similar to that of his competitor.
Former general Ryamizard Ryacudu, who supports Joko, was involved in the TNI’s heavy-handed campaigns against the secessionists in Aceh. In 2003, he told Tempo that the killer of Papuan independence leader Theys Eluay was a “hero.”
The People’s Conscience Party (Hanura) forms part of Joko’s coalition. Its leader, former general Wiranto, is seen as the chief architect behind the TNI’s brutal retreat from East Timor in 1999, and was accused of fomenting violence between Christians and Muslims in Ambon during the deadly sectarian conflict that raged from 1999 to 2002.
As for Prabowo, Andreas believes that “there is nothing new: he has said what was said by other presidents in the past, that Papua is an integral part of Indonesia.”
In spite of Joko’s relative strengths in human rights — compared to Prabowo’s emphasis on security — Haris says he did not know “how far they would put aside their interests to go on with solving the genuine problems in [conflict areas].”
“For the future, it’s very important to ask these two candidates how they will deal with the conflict and post-conflict areas,” Haris told the Jakarta Globe. “We request that the national election commission open a debate on human rights and on the issue of peace in conflict areas.”
Indonesia has made incredible strides in democracy since the Suharto era. The mere fact that last Monday’s presidential debate featured Kalla asking Prabowo a difficult question about his checkered past is a positive sign for the future.
But as long as anti-terrorism laws are still used to sentence harmless people who raise flags, as long as Papua remains closed off to reporters and diplomats, and as long as there is an absence of a lively discussion on past and present human rights abuses in this country, there is more progress to be made.
Both Joko and Prabowo’s coalitions have skeletons in their closets. Time will tell if they can match their electrifying campaign with an equally assertive push to protect the rights of all citizens — regardless of geographic origin.

Sabtu, 07 Juni 2014

WEST PAPUA: No-One's Colony

West Papua: no-one’s colony

West Papua: no-one’s colony
By Online Editor
5:13 pm GMT+12, 20/05/2014, Fiji
Commentary from the Pacific Network on Globalisation (PANG)
West Papua, comprised of the provinces (Papua and Papua Barat) is the Indonesian government’s last remaining colony, situated on the western half of the island of New Guinea, adjacent to independent Papua New Guinea. Papuans want what all colonized people want: to be free – to be masters of their own destiny. More specifically, Papuans demand, as a matter of urgency, that West Papua be reinstated on the list of non-self-governing territories in order to hasten their progress towards political self-determination.
Eligibility to be reinstated on the list of non-self-governing territories
West Papua satisfies the criteria for being reinstated on the list of non-self-governing territories set down in United Nations Resolution 1541 (XV). Specifically, West Papua is geographically separate from Indonesia. Papuans are culturally and ethnically distinct and they have had a different historical experience from Indonesians. The former colonial authority, the Netherlands, prior to the current colonial administration, the Unitary Republic of Indonesia taking control, established a national parliament – the Nieuw-Guinea Raad – paving the way for Papuans to progress towards self-rule. Sukarno, a former Indonesian president tacitly acknowledged West Papua’s sovereignty when he referred to West Papua as a Dutch ‘Puppet State’ prior to launching a military invasion.
West Papuans have a right to self-determination under international law set down in the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and adopted by the General Assembly in its resolution 1514 (XV), Article 1 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Article 1 of the International Covenant on Economic Social and Cultural Rights and more recently, the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
The need to reinstate West Papua on the list of non-self-governing territories is made more urgent by ongoing gross human rights violations and a failure of governance on the part of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia.
Human rights violations and state violence has been documented during recent United Nations Human Rights Council Universal Periodic Review of the Indonesian Government’s commitment to civil and political rights and economic, social and cultural rights in 2012, 2013 and 2014. Civil and political human rights issues raised include included the freedom of expression, the human rights violations committed by the security forces, the problem of impunity, the repression of human rights defenders, and the protection of the rights of indigenous peoples and minorities.
Economic, social and cultural rights issues raised include lack of access to health care and education, the problem of land-grabbing, and the rights of minorities and indigenous peoples. In addition concern was expressed about the Indonesian government’s delay in making specific arrangements to allow visits by UN special procedures and human rights experts. In regards to both civil and political rights and economic, social and cultural right the United Nations Committee showed particular concern to the situation in Papua.
Political scientists Dr Jim Elmslie and Dr Camilla Webb-Gannon characterise Indonesian rule as presiding over slow-motion genocide. They conclude that there is evidence to show that the Indonesian state has engaged in intentional genocidal acts designed to “counter and eliminate Papuan attempts to create an independent state for their nation or enjoy political freedom on a par with other Indonesians.”
Taking the above facts into consideration, in a special report into decolonization in the Pacific Region adopted by the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues in their Twelfth session in May 2013, Valmaine Toki stated that “there are clear grounds for the General Assembly to support [West Papua’s] reinstatement on the list of Non-Self-Governing Territories."
Toki listed three compelling reasons. “First, West Papua had satisfied the criteria set down in resolution 1541 (XV). Second, it had featured initially on the list. Third, the right of self-determination is articulated in article 3 of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.” In light of gross human rights situation in West Papua Ms. Toki wrote that “urgency is recommended.” As a result the International Community has a Responsibility to Protect West Papuans by granting political self-determination as a remedy for the Indonesian Government’s failure to govern and adequately protect West Papuans.
Historical background
West Papuans formed their own parliament in 1961 but have never been permitted to govern. The Indonesian government claims sovereignty over West Papua was transferred from the Netherlands to the Unitary Republic of Indonesia by the United Nations as a result of the Act of Free Choice in 1969. That is not true. The Act of Free Choice was not free, fair or peaceful. Less than 0.01% of the population, just over 1000 people, participated in the Act of Free Choice and 100% of those that did were coerced to vote. Two in-depth academic studies – one by Professor Pieter Drooglever, the other by Dr. John Saltford – conclusively showed that the Act of Free Choice was fraudulent and backed up by extremely ruthless violence, including the willingness to bomb entire villages. Until Papuans have been given the right to decide their own political status, a right which is theirs under international law, Indonesia cannot claim to be a democracy. In the intervening five decades the political situation has not improved.
West Papuans are determined to be free
Desmond Tutu once said that “nothing can stop a people determined to be free.”
Papuans have not given up. Even more remarkably, the overwhelming majority have chosen to pursue their aspirations for freedom through a combination of unarmed civilian based resistance and diplomacy. Instead of ensuring West Papuans’ safety and security the Indonesian state is endangering their lives. West Papuans are driving the struggle; they are being killed, tortured, imprisoned and pushed to the margins of political and economic life but they are not backing down. However, they need their regional neighbours and other governments to stand with them so they can continue living in the land of their ancestors. Papuans want their country to be reinstated on the list of non-self-governing territories and urge member countries of the Committee of 24 to take immediate action to support Papuan aspirations.
SOURCE: PANG/PACNEWS

WEST PAPUA STRUGGLES FOR RECOGNITION, OPENS OFFICE IN AUSTRALIA

West Papua struggles for recognition, opens office in Australia

Monday, June 2, 2014
The first Free West Papua campaign office in Australia opened in April in Perth. Photo from FreeWestPapua.wordpress.com.
The first Free West Papua campaign office in Australia was opened in April in Perth, signalling the growing international campaign for West Papuan self-determination. West Papua has been occupied by Indonesia since the 1960s, despite an ongoing struggle for independence.
Benny Wenda, a leader of Free West Papua living in exile, said he hoped the Australian government would withstand pressure from Indonesia over the office opening.
Wenda referred to the Indonesian reaction when the group opened an office in Britain. The Indonesian government responded by summoning the British ambassador in Jakarta to explain why they were not taking steps to shut the office.
There has been no diplomatic showdown between Australia and Indonesia over the new office so far, but a look at the attitudes of Australia’s leaders may indicate why.
When former foreign minister Bob Carr discussed the British campaign office with Indonesia’s foreign minister at the time, he was told that Indonesia would “prefer [Australia] not to allow an office to open”. In his memoir, Carr writes that West Papua activists are “provocateurs who encourage Papuans to put their lives on the line”.
During a visit to Indonesia in October, Prime Minister Tony Abbott said: “And people seeking to grandstand against Indonesia, please, don't look to do it in Australia. You are not welcome.”
Despite these remarks, polls have shown that more than 75% of Australians support West Papuan self-determination.
But West Papua is facing difficulties in gaining recognition in the region. Over May 23-25, a seminar of the United Nations Special Committee On Decolonisation was held in Nadi, Fiji.
West Papua is not on the UN's Non-Self Governing Territory List and is therefore left out of official discussions. West Papua was removed from the list in 1963, after the UN took over management of the colony from the Netherlands and handed administration to Indonesia.
The Pacific Conference of Churches and the Pacific Regional Non Governmental Organisations Alliance called forWest Papua’s reinstatement to the list. A PCC statement said: “For the freedom of our brothers and sisters in Guam, Kanaky/New Caledonia, Maohi Nui/French Polynesia, Tokelau, West Papua to chart their own political future, we call on our Pacific peoples in all walks of life to stand up, speak out and be actively be engaged in their struggle.”
PCC desk officer Peter Emberson said: “We recognise that this might be a difficult position for some governments to take but the Pacific people must be treated with justice.”
Emberson may have been referring to the less than principled stance of countries like Fiji. At the seminar, Fiji's PM Frank Bainimarama reaffirmed his country's support for Kanaky (New Caledonia).
PCC general secretary Reverend Francois Pihaatae said: “However, we note with concern the silence of regional governments ― including Fiji ― on the issue of decolonization and self-determination for Pacific peoples still under colonial rule.
“Whilst we applaud the explicit support for Kanaky’s self-determination, we call on all Pacific governments, in particular Fiji and Papua New Guinea ... to take a similar position on other non-self-governing Pacific territories, especially American Samoa, Guam, Maohi Nui (French Polynesia), West Papua, Rapa Nui (Easter Island) amongst others and to do so consistently.”
Fiji, and some other Pacific countries, have shown a willingness to engage with Indonesia while ignoring West Papua's struggle. This was especially clear when the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) visited West Papua in January to investigate West Papua's conditions and consider its representation in the group.
However, delegates spent barely a day in West Papua and did not meet any West Papuan civil society representatives. They then went to Jakarta to talk about trade and relations with Indonesia, issuing a statement saying: “We respect Indonesia’s sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity as well as the non-intervention principle into a country’s domestic affairs as stated in the United Nation’s charter.”
Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono will visit Fiji this month for the Pacific Islands Development Forum meeting in Nadi. Dr Richard Chauvel of Victoria University said this is part of Indonesia's increasing intervention in the region after the MSG visit.
He said: “The way the [MSG] Foreign Ministers visit [to West Papua] was hosted; you'll remember [PNG Prime Minister] O'Neill was in Jakarta when the MSG meeting was held. But clearly it has longer term strategic ambitions beyond its difficulties in West Papua.”
Vanuatu has been the strongest supporter of West Papua in the region. The country was the only MSG member that took a principled stand by boycotting the trip. Then-PM Moana Carcasses, a vocal supporter of West Papua, lost his position in a vote of no confidence on May 15.
Vanuatu Independent editor Tony Wilson said: “This has been kept extremely quiet. Everyone in the media, and I think even some politicians, were in the dark.”
The West Papua Coalition for Liberation says the new prime minister, Joe Natuman, will continue supportingWest Papuan self-determination. But the new foreign minister, Sato Kilman, tried to strengthen ties with Indonesia when he was prime minster.
Indeed, it was partly his abandonment of Vanuatu's traditional support for West Papua that led to his defeat by Carcasses.